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CITY DOCUMENT. 



THE SIEGE AND 



CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL, 

Destruction of Falmouth, f 



MAY 20, 1690 (O.S.) 



A PAPER READ BEFORE THE MAINE GENEALOGICAL 
SOCIETY, JUNE 2, 1885, 



J^ 



BY JOHN T. HULL. 



Printed by Order of City Council of Portland. 




PORTLAND, ME.: 

OWEN, STROUT & CO., PRINTERS. 
1885. 



PREFACE. 



The capture and destruction of Casco or Falmouth (now Port- 
land), and its defense Fort Loyall, with the massacre of its people 
by the French and Indians in May, 1690 (O. S.), was one of those 
prominent events in the histoiy of Maine, and of the local history 
of Portland, worthy to be held by its citizens in the highest- re- 
membrance. It has in the past been nearly forgotten. Although 
the documentary history of it, written nearly two centuries since 
by those who were actors or contemporaries with them, in those 
events, is voluminous and of great interest. It is not only pre- 
served in the colonial records of our own country, but the archives 
at London and Paris contain full descriptions and accounts of the 
scenes of those days, given in letters of importance from those 
whose positions gave them the opportunities to obtain full infor- 
mation thereof. Under the auspices of the Maine Genealogical 
Society, and the aid of the City of Portland, I am enabled to 
publish the results of the investigations and researches that I have 
made in this almost unknown history, for the information of our 
citizens here, and those elsewhere who are interested in the early 
history of Maine. A record of the bravery and endurance of our 
forefathers of which all may well be proud. I am under obliga- 
tions to those gentlemen who have aided me in my researches, and 
especially to Wm. M. Sargent, Esq., for his valuable services. 

JOHN T. HULL. 

Portland, November^ 1885. 



EXTRACT FROM THE RECORDS OF THE MAINE 
GENEALOGICAL SOCIETY. 

At a meeting of the Maine Genealogical Society held at 
Reception Hall, Portland, April 21, 1885, 

''Voted: That Wm, M. Sargent, Charles B. Rogers and S. M. 
Watson be a committee to call a meeting of the Society on or 
about the twentieth of May next, to observe the anniversary of 
the destruction of Fort Loyall, should they deem such action ex- 
pedient. 

"Accordingly a meeting of the Society, called by the committee, 
was held at the same place on Tuesday evening, June 2, following, 
at 7 1-2 o'clock. The President and Vice-president being absent, 
Thomas Tash, Esq., was appointed chairman, who introduced 
John T. Hull, Esq., who had been selected by the committee as 
the speaker for the evening. 

" Mr. Hull spoke of the importance of keeping in memory 
some of our most important historical events, and presented a \ 
paper entitled 'The Siege and Capture of Fort Loyall; 
Destruction of Falmouth, May, i6go,' which he read to a large, 
attentive, and much interested audience, for the space of one and 
a half hour's time. At the conclusion of the paper a vote of 
thanks was passed by the Society to Mr. Hull for his valuable and 
well prepared paper." 

Attest : S. M. Watson, Secretary. 



PETITION OF CITIZENS. 



To THE Honorable City Council of Portland. 

Gentlemen : — The paper prepared and read by Mr. John T. Hull 
before the Maine Genealogical Society on the evening of June 2d 
last, on the " Capture of Fort Loyall and the Destruction of Fal- 
mouth by the French and Indians in May, 1690," was very 
valuable and interesting as concerning an important event in the 
early history of our city. 

We think it of so great importance as an historical record, that 
it should be preserved by being printed at the expense of the city. 

We therefore request your honorable body to cause to be printed 
in pamphlet form, such number of copies as may be deemed ex- 
pedient, for the use of our citizens ; and to make an appropriation 
therefor not exceeding the sum of $150. 

Fortla?id, July, 188^. 



Thomas Tash, 
Wm. Goold, 
Edward Gould, 
W. D. Little, 
Geo. S. Hunt, 
Fred. Odell Conant, 
Chas. B. Rogers, 
John C. Tjukesbury, 
George A. Thomas, 



Wm. M. Sargent, 

F. M. Ray, 

J. P. Baxter, 

Wm. H. Smith, 

JosiAH H. Drummond, 

Horatio Hight, 

S. M. Watson, 

A. K. P. Meserve, 

Fritz H. Jordan. 



ACTION OF CITY COUNCIL. 

In Board of Mayor and Aldermen, July 6th, 1885. 
Read and referred to Committee on Public Instruction. 

Attest : Geo. C. Burgess, City Clerk. 

In Common Council, July 6th, 1885. 
Read and referred to Committee on Public Instruction in con- 
currence. 

Attest: L. C. Wade, Clerk. 

City of Portland, \ 
July 13th, 1885. ] 

The Joint Standing Committee on Public Instruction, to whom 
was referred the petition of Thomas Tash and seventeen others, 
asking that the City print the paper of John T. Hull on the « 
destruction of Fort Loyall, having given a hearing to parties inter- 
ested in the matter, beg leave to report : 

That in the opinion of your Committee the paper referred to is 
a valuable contribution to our local history, and, treating as it does 
of the earliest settlement within the present city limits, its pre- 
servation and perpetuation may properly belong to the City as a 
part of its records, of which, relating to this matter, there is at 
present in its archives not a single fragment. 

Your Committee, therefore, recommend granting the prayer of 
the petitioners, and the passage of the accompanying order. 

Whitman Sawyer, 
Chairman Com. on Public Instruction. 



ACTION OF CITY COUNCIL. 7 

In. Board of Mayor and Aldermen, Sept. 7th, 1885. 
Report read and accepted. Sent down for concurrence. 

Attest : Geo. C. Burgess, City Clerk. 

In Common Council, Sept. 7th, 1885. 
Report read and accepted in concurrence. 

Attest : L. C. Wade, Clerk. 

Ordered, that under the direction of the Committee on Print- 
ing, a sum not exceeding one hundred and fifty dollars be expended 
in printing five hundred copies of John T. Hull's paper relating to 
the destruction of Fort Loyall. 

In Board of Mayor and Aldermen, Sept. 7th, 1885. 
Read and passed. Sent down. 

Attest : Geo. C. Burgess, City Clerk. 

In Common Council, Sept. 7th, 1885. 
Read and passed in concurrence. 

Attest : L. C. Wade, Clerk. 

Approved, Sept, 8th, 1885. J. W. Deering, Mayor. 



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V ■ 1 



SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL, 
Destruction of Falmouth, 

MAY, 1690 (O.S.) 



Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : 

We meet here this evening' to observe the anniversary of one 
of the most important events of the early history of our city, and 
which is hardly known by many of our citizens. But little of its 
history has ever been written. No poet has ever sung of the 
brave deeds then done. Historians make but slight mention of 
it ; although the sources of information, from which I have been 
able to obtain the facts which I shall lay before you this evening, 
are quite voluminous. It has been generally considered as the 
result of one of those unorganized Indian raids upon the white 
settlements, which were so frequently made during the perilous 
times and bloody years of the French and Indian wars. But the 
capture of Fort Loyall, and the destruction of Falmouth, May 
20th, 1690, was not one of those ordinary savage attacks upon the 
homes of our ancestors, which were so common during those 
troublesome days, but it was an event of far greater importance 
in its inception and results. It originated at the court of Ver- 

' According to the English accounts of the siege of Fort Loyall ; the fort 
surrendered May 20, 1690. This time was according to the old style or Julian 
calendar, then in use by the English and some other nations. Subsequently in 
1752, the English adopted the Gregorian, or new style, by which in the 17th 
century, 10 days; in the iSth century, 11 days; and in the 19th century, 1800 to 
1900, 12 days were omitted from the former reckoning of time. Thus the 20th 
of May, 1690, would be June i, 1885. The meeting at which this paper was 
'ead was on June 2d, 18S5. 



10 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

sailles ; ' was one of the parts of a plan approved by Louis XIV, 
having for its ulterior object the conquest of New York and New 
England, and the driving of the English from the shores of North 
America. 

This day that we here commemorate, was a day of disaster; 
fire and blood swept out of existence an infant settlement, and 
left this then fair land of our ancestors desolate for a quarter of a 
century. But if the day we now observe was a day of trial and 
mourning, it was also a day of heroism and valor ; and for that 
reason should always be remembered by us and our descendants. 
If the red cross of St. George did on that day go down before 
those who mustered under the " Fleur de lis " of France and the 
banner of Louis, amid savage war whoops and flaming homes ! • 
If on that day our fathers, overpowered by numbers, surrendered 
to their civilized and savage foes, and bared their heads to the 
tomahawk and scalping knife ; it was so, from no want of courage 
on their part, for no men fought harder or with more valor against 
a stronger force than did the men of Casco, at the siege of Fort 
Loyall, by the French and Indians in 1690. No monument marks 
the spot where they fell ! No marble temple enshrines their re- 
mains ! With us, even most of their names are unknown ! They 
rest with the unknown dead. I only hope that my efforts here 
this evening shall awaken such an interest that they and their 
brave deeds shall not hereafter be forgotten. 

Nearly two centuries ago (in 1690), our present city (first settled 
in 1633), was but a small village; a collection of scattered houses 
near the foot of what is now India street, and along the street that 
led by the sea side.^ But little inroad had been made on the 
primeval forests, except in the immediate vicinity of the rude hab- 
itations which our forefathers had built as homes for themselves 
and families. The ferry 3 and town landing was near the foot of 

'See documents from the French Archives, post. ^See plan accompanying this. 

^ The route pursued by travelers westward was by boat to about where the 
present ferry landing is, on C. E. side, thence horseback by the shore route, 
crossing the rivers near their mouths by ferries. In 1686, Sylvanus Davis es- 
tablished a ferry at about where Vaughan's bridge now is. A road was laid 
out to Scarborough, which shortened the distance some miles. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. II 

what is now Hancock street, from whence the adventurous traveler 
commenced his perilous journey which took him to Spurwink, 
Black Point, and the scattered settlements farther on. Opposite 
the town landing was the store and dwelling house of Sylvanus 
Davis, the principal trader in the town, and a leading actor in the 
subsequent scenes which I shall relate. Near the corner of Fore 
and India streets was the only public house in town, kept by 
Richard Seacomb," who was duly licensed for that purpose. 

At the foot of Broad, now called India street, was the principal 
defense of the town. Fort Loyall. It was situated on a mound 
and rocky bluff overlooking the harbor, and the base of which 
was washed by the waters of Casco Bay. This mound had a grad- 
ual slope from its highest elevation towards Fore and India 
streets. On the top of the hill was the Fort. There is no plan 
or description of it that I am aware of. It comprised a number of 
buildings built of logs, and surrounded by an outer-barrier of fence 
in a palisade form, on which at intervals were wooden towers for 
defense and observation. Loop-holes cut in them and its outer 
walls gave its defenders the opportunity to use musketry to advan- 
tage upon its assailants. The area of the fort was about a half 
acre. It mounted eight cannon. (The general features of the 
bluff on which Fort Loyall was situated are well remembered by 
some of those who are here present. But the whole aspect has 
been changed by the demolition of the hill, and the construction 
of the G. T. R. R. station. The site of Fort Loyall was probably 
thirty feet above the present level of the R. R. station.^) 

Thus was Fort Loyall in May, 1690, and on its defense depended 

' In September, 16S1, Richard Seacomb was licensed to keep an ordinary in 
Falmouth. In May, 1682, he was fined fifty shillings for selling liquor to the 
Indians. He came from the west of England, and settled at Lynn as early as 
1660. His children were Noah, Richard and Susannah. He purchased a lot of 
land at Back cove, extending down to the present Back cove bridge, which now 
retains the name of Seacomb's Neck. He died in 1694. His son Richard 
lived in Portsmouth in 17 15. (Willis, p. 242.) 

^ The construction of the R. R. stations, filling of grounds, etc., at the foot of 
India street, has removed all these old land marks that existed there forty years 
since. The old Weeks mansion that stood on the hill, the former site of Fort 
Loyall, was removed to Green street, where it is now kept as a hostelry, under 
the name of the " Portland House." 



12 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

the safety not only of the lives of the inhabitants of Falmouth, 
but those of all the towns of the whole eastern frontier. 

In other parts of the town were four garrison houses, which 
were intended as places of refuge to the inhabitants, when they 
heard the savage war-whoop of the approaching Indian foe. One 
of these garrison houses was located on Munjoy Hill, near the 
present observatory (see plan), one was near the foot of present 
Exchange street ; one was on the rocky bluff, the site of the pres- 
ent Anderson houses on Free street. The other one, the location 
is unknown.' That one on Munjoy hill was built of stone, and 
commanded by Lieut. Robert Lawrence, who married George 
Munjoy's widow. The others were probably constructed of logs. 

Our fathers were used to savage warfare. They were a hardy, 
sturdy race of men, good Indian fighters, and well understood the 
savage wiles. Their lives were spent amid the dangers of war 
and savage incursions. Every settler had his musket in his house 
ready for immediate use. At night when the family retired for 
rest, it was with grave apprehension that they might be aroused 
before morning by the blazing torch, the savage cry, and the 
shrieks of their victims, and when thus awakened, the family 
would gather in their hands such effects as they were able to, and 
hurry to the protection of the nearest garrison house, and would 
there make a protracted defense, until they received assistance, 
and their foes were driven off. War with the savages was no 
novelty to the early settlers of the frontier towns of Maine. 
Casco and its inhabitants had previous to this time had its bap- 
tisms of fire and blood. The fathers of many families had been 
shot down at their firesides, their reeking scalps taken from them 
by the red men, their wives and children, if not murdered there, 
carried through the lonely paths of the forest, captives to Canada. 
The early settlers of Casco were a brave race of men ; they sub- 
dued the forests, cultivated the wilderness, reared their log houses, 
and made themselves homes, and when the necessity came they 
defended themselves and their hearth-stones against the savage 
' See letter of Capt. Simon Wiliard, post. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. I3 

Indians and their French allies ; and we now believe that in the 
generations of their race that have succeeded them, that there has 
been no degeneracy of courage, or love of home or country ; 
that the pioneers of civilization, who in early days defended 
themselves against the savage foes of the wilderness, were suc- 
ceeded by those who at Louisburg ' and on the heights of Que- 
bec,- upheld the flag of England ; and in the days of our revolu- 
tion, on land and sea,3 fought for independence and our country's 
right's, and who in the times of the late rebellion at Antietam, 
Gettysburg, and elsewhere, sustained the cause of the Union. •♦ 

Fort Loyall, the scene of the important events which we here 
today commemorate, was built by the Massachusetts Government.s 
After Massachusetts had purchased Maine from the Gorges' heirs, 
they deemed it necessary in order to protect the people of Maine 
from the inroads of the French and Indians, that a strong fortress 
should be constructed at some prominent easterly location. Fal- 
mouth or Casco (as it was called by both names ; the English gen- 
erally using the name Falmouth and the French retaining the old 
Indian name, Casco), being the principal town on the frontier, and 

' A company from Falmouth and vicinity under the command of Moses 
Pearson, took part in the capture of Louisburg, June 17th, 1745. George 
Knight was the lieutenant; Samuel Waldo, of Falmouth, was brigadier-general, 
and second in command; Sir Wm. Pcpperell, from Kittery, was commander-in- 
chief. (Willis, p. 420.) 

^ Among the persons from Falmouth who served in Wolfe's army at the cap- 
ture of Quebec, was Captain Jedediah Preble, afterwards brigadier-general, who 
had the command of a company of Provincial troops. He was near Gen. 
Wolfe when he fell, and was wounded in the thigh. Also, John Waite, after- 
wards a colonel, and sheriff of Cumberland county. He commanded a trans- 
port at that time. Also, William McLellan. (Willis, p. 436.) G. H. Preble in 
History of the " Preble Family," has some doubts as to his grandfather being 
at Quebec. 

3 The inscriptions on the silent stones and monuments in the Eastern Ceme- 
tery are impressive witnesses to the truth of this statement. 

* Portland did well her part in the war of the rebellion. The numerous sol- 
diers' graves in the cemeteries of our city, which a few days previous (on Me- 
morial day) had received the decoration of wreaths and flowers, give enduring 
evidence of the sacrifices that were made by Portland in behalf of the Union. 

5 " It is ordered that Mr. Bartholomew Gidney, Esq., Capt. Joshua Scottow, 
and Mr. Silvanus Davis be a committee to manage the affairs of the new plan- 
tation granted at Casco Bay, and are hereby impowered, for the benefit of sajd 
plantation in building a fort, to sell one hundred pounds worth of land within 
the sajd province." (Mass. Col. Rec, Vol. 5, page 2S6.) 



14 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

being accessible by water, it was deemed necessary to fortify it. 
Thus Fort Loyall was built by order of Massachusetts. Its loca- 
tion and description we have previously given. Its first com- 
mander was Edward Tyng/ distinguished in Massachusetts colo- 
nial history. He moved here from Boston, and married a daugh- 
ter of Thaddeus Clark, who was a granddaughter of George 
Cleeve, our first settler. 

In 1680, Thomas Danforth,^ who had been appointed by the 
Massachusetts Council, President of the Province of Maine, ac- 
companied by other distinguished personages of that colony came 
to Falmouth for the purpose of settling the affairs of the town, 
organizing a local government, and attending generally to such 
matters as were of importance to the rising settlement. The 
meetings for those purposes were held with the inhabitants in the 
rude buildings constructed within Fort Loyall. That was the 
town hall, selectmen's office, etc. There the town records were 

' Edward Tyng (or Ting) was the second son of Edward Tyng, who came to 
this country with his brother William in 1636. He was born about 1649; ''''s 
older brother, Jonathan, in 1642. He owned large tracts of land in Falmouth, 
one a tract of 44 acres which extended from Congress street to Fore river. 
It is the territory now included in State, Park and other streets. He remained 
in command of Fort Loyall till 1688. He was afterwards appointed the Gov- 
ernor of Annapolis, in Nova Scotia, which in 1690 had been captured by Sir 
Wm. Phipps. He was captured and carried prisoner to Quebec, and from there 
to France, where he died. He had four children: Edward, born in 16S3; Jona- 
than, who died young. Marv, married the Rev. John Fox of Woburn (whose 
lineal descendants, have been and are now among our prominent citizens), and 
Elizabeth, married to a brother of Dr. Franklin. The last male survivor of 
the Tyng family was Wm. Tyng, his grandson, the sheriff and colonel in the 
British service in 1775. He died in 1807 and his remains rest in the Eastern 
Cemetery. 

^ Thomas Danforth was a prominent man in the history of Massachusetts 
and Maine. He was the son of Nicholas Danforth, was born in England in 
1622; came with his father to Massachusetts in 1635, and settled in Cambridge. 
During a long life he was one of the most energetic citizens in the colony. He 
was the deputy governor of Massachusetts for 1 679-1 692, except during the 
three years of Andros' reign. He was President of the District of Maine with 
the same exception from 1680 to 1692. The settlem.ent and reorganization of 
Maine under the Massachusetts government was made under his direction ; and 
many of the titles of the seaboard towns, between the Piscataqua and the Ken- 
nebec, came from him. ' Under the new charter, 1692, he was one of the council 
from 1693-1699, and judge of the superior court. He was treasurer of Harvard 
College, 1650-1669. He was also commissioner of the United Colonies from 1662 
to 167S, and filled many other important stations of honor and responsibility. 
He was frequently in Maine attending to his duties connected with the Province. 
A principal street in our city perpetuates his name. He died in Nov., 1699. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 1 5 

kept, which' subsequently were burned at the destruction of the 
Fort.' Danforth believed that the town could be more easily 
defended by having a compact settlement made in the immediate 
vicinit)^ of the Fort, and in order to induce the inhabitants to thus 
locate their houses, he granted to all who would apply, house lots 
on Broad, now India street ; Fore street ; Queen, now Congress 
street, and the other streets which had been laid out in that part 
of the town. It was one of the conditions of these grants that 
homes to be occupied by settlers should be built within a short 
time, as a settlement of that kind would contain within itself a 
means of defense against foes.^ In consequence of these grants 
of land given by President Danforth, in a few years a village arose 
where before there was an unhabitable forest.^ Some of the 

' The following letter from S. P. Mayberry, Esq., to the Mayor and Aldermen 
of the City of Portland, is of interest in this connection : 

The early records of Casco or Falmouth, in which your city lies, are missing. 
There exists (with the following exception), nothing but tradition that there 
were any records, that I have been able to find. I liave caused a search to 
be made in France in the public archives, also in Canada, which we were in 
hopes had been taken to, by the Indians. Capt. Nathl. Fryar of Great Island 
(Newcastle, N. H.), who was a prominent merchant, was employed by the gov- 
ernment to visit Casco after its destruction, and his making no reference in this 
deposition to the loss of the records, I am inclined to think they were not taken 
until later, in the year 1703. Historians have usually put it down as in the 
•Indian raid earlier. I would suggest this copy be placed in the files of your 
archives and that a copy be made on your record books, as then it will be ac- 
cessible to the historian, and may lead to a clue which will be the means of 
their recovery. 

" The deposition of Capt. Nathl Fryar being of full age testifieth & saith, 
That some time before Capt Brackett of Casco Bay died, being upwards of Ten 
years since I the Depont was There and sd Brackett told me there was a Record 
belonging to Kittery town, which books he showed me and I said it was so. 
And sd Brackett told me the Depont told me that he had it of the Indians, and 
further I know that people of Casco did improve the 3 books to record matter 
belonging to their town in and farther I the Depont told them that it would be 
necessary to returne the three books to Kittery again. But I do not Remembe% 
that it ever it was, and further saith not 

Kittery ye May 13 1703 Sworn in Court 

by Nathl Fryer 
Attest 

Elisha Cook Clerk." 

The above copy I made that it might be preserved. 

Yours respectfully, S. P. Mavberry. 
Cape Elizabeth, Me., April 3, 1882. 



* Willis, p. 226. ^ Willis, p. 229, 



I 6 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

houses erected were at a distance from the main settlement, but i 

most of them were adjacent to each other, and to Fort Loyall. ' 

The records of President Danforth's grants were as follows: j 

"At Fort Loyall in Falmouth, 23d, 7 (Sept. 23, 1680). Granted I 

unto the persons whose names are hereunder written, house j 

lots upon the neck of land near the Fort. i. To Mr. Bar- 1 

tholomew Gedney ' on the westerly side of the cove, one lot. | 

. . . . 2. To John Ingerson, one lot. 3. To George Ingerson, | 

one lot. 4. To John Marston, do. 5. To Isaac Davis, do. 6. To 

Francis Nichols, do. 7. Thomas Mason, do. 8. Samuel Inger- i 

son, do. 9. John Skillin, do. 10. To Joseph Ingerson, do. 11. ] 

To Lt. George Ingerson, do." These lots were on the west side | 

of Clay Cove, on the north side of Fore street, and extended as j 

far as is now Union street. The lots granted on the east side of I 

Broad (now India street), were as follows : i. To Daniel Smith 

the first lot next to the Fort. This was on the corner of Fore and ] 

India, in late years known as the "Stetson lot." 2. To Wm. | 

1 
Clement, the second lot. 3d. John Lowell or Powell. Lots 4th ' 

and sth blank. 6th lot was to Henry Ingalls,^ and was at the i 

head of Broad street. The lots laid out on the west side of Broad ' 

street were : To Capt. Edward Tyng, the commander of the Fort, i 

the first lot (now the site of the International Hotel) ; to Henry « 

Harwood, the second lot ; to Michael Farley, jr., the third lot; 

John Augustine, the fourth lot. Lots granted against the great . 

bay (which was the cove between where Thurston's ship-yard, j 

as remembered by many of us, on Fore street, and Jordan's : 

point now the location of the Portland Company's works). , 

To Capt. Sylvanus Davis ^ the first lot eastward; to Mr. ! 

Jiohn Jacob,"* the second lot; Ensign Nath'l Jacob, the third lot; i 

' Gedney was never an inhabitant. He was a land speculator here and at I 
North Yarmouth ; he lived in Salem. He sold his grant to Silvanus Davis. , 
The lot extended back to what is now Newbury (formerly Sumner) street, origi- , 
nally named Fleet street; afterward Turkey lane. (Willis, p. 226). 

^Two persons, Henry Ingalls, senior and junior, were living in Salem in 1696. ', 
(Willis, p. 227). ; 

^ See notice of Capt. Silvanus Davis, post. 1 

"•A John Jacob was the first deacon of the church in Cohassett in 1721, an 1 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 1 7 

Robert Greenough, the fourth lot; to Mrs. Munjoy, the fifth lot.' 
It was also ordered that there shall be an highway three rods wide 
left against the water side (now Fore street, in old deeds it was 
called Thames street), toward the meeting-house (which was at 
Jordan's point). To Mr. Salonstall for Meshac Farley, the next 
lot eastward to Mrs. Munjoy, also another lot adjoining Mr. Salon- 
stal. These grants were concurred in by the selectmen at the 
meeting held at Fort Loyall, Sept. 23d, 1680. Present, Lieutenant 
Anthony Brackett, John Wallis, Lt. George Ingerson, Ensign 
Thaddeus Clark." ^ Thus was the new town of Falmouth organ- 
ized. 

After the inhabitants had become settled in their homes it became 
a subject of much interest to them how they should be protected 
in case of an Indian war. The people themselves could not main- 
tain a necessary garrison at Fort Loyall. The general court of 
Massachusetts passed several orders concerning the same, as 
follows : 

"At a general court held May 11 1681, Majo'' Pynchon, Majo"" Sauage and 
Sam. Nowell Esq^. w* Maj'' Pike, Capt Sprauge, Capt. Wayte & Lef Johnson 
are appointed a comitee to inquire concerning the present state of the Prouince 
of Majne & the setlemt of Fort Loyall & to consider what is necessary further 
to be doune for the maintenance thereof and to present the same to the Court 
forthw">. 

Report of the Committee was as follows : 

" 2d. For the fort we apprehend, needful that it shall be con. 

tinued or defended, both for the securing of the people in these parts against 
Indians, and any bad neighbors, and also from the encouragement that people 
take from it to replant themselves there. 

3d. In order to the majntejniing or defence of that fort or place, wee judge 
that there cannot be less than thirteen men viz., captain, a Serjeant, a gunner 
& tenn private Souldjers. 

aged and very worthy man (His. of Cohassett.) In the war of 1688 a person of 
that name was commissary for the troops in Maine. A family of this name was 
implicated in the witchcraft tragedy of Salem in 1692. (Willis, p. 230). 

* Mary Munjoy was the widow of George Munjoy who came to Casco in 1659. 
His wife was a daughter of John Phillips, to whom Cleeves conveyed his home- 
stead and other lands. The name and title of Munjoy's Hill comes from that 
source. 

* For Thaddeus Clark, see post. 



l8 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

4th. Wee are infonned that the people of that province are so sencible of the 
bennefit to themselves, that they are willing to maintaine six private soldjers. 

5th. The remainder of the charge for the captains Sallery, Sarjant & gunner 
& fower souldjers w"* a magazine will amount to fower hundred pounds p anno, 
in country pay. 

6th. Wee hope something to ease this burthen may be razed out of the bevar 
trade, and from the saw mills, and some other ways, which may in a little time 
wholly ease the colony of this present burthen." 

Signed John Pynchon 

in ye. name of ye Comitee. 
The Court having pervsed the return of the comitee doe approve of it. & 
order, that Fort Loyall be mayntejned at the charge of this colony — prouided 
that the province majntejne sixe Souldjers — and the honored President (Dan- 
forth) is desired to take care of it that it be maintejned as little charge as may 
be.'" 

October 12, 1681, the General Court ordered, 

" 1st. That Fort Loyall a garrison necessary for the security thereof be main- 
tejned henceforth at the charge of the province. 3d. That the annual revenue 
arising by the trade with the Indians shall be allowed towards the maintenance of 
Fort Loyall, the appointing the captain as well as of the other militia being still 
reserved as the charter appoint in ye power of ye chiefe proprietor. Further, 
it is ordered : that the arrears of the captaine & garrison at Fort Loyall be 
forthwith passed by the president of said province to ye Tresurer for payment." ■ 

i 

" This order was laid before the council of the province, who , 

authorized the treasurer. Captain Hooke ^ of Saco, to pay Captain j 
Tyng his salary as commander of Fort Loyall, at the rate of sixty | 
pounds per annum for himself and servant till May following, and 
to furnish necessary supplies for the garrison. They also ordered 
six men to be raised for the present supply of the garrison, two 
from Kittery, one from each of the towns of York, Wells, Fal- 
mouth, Saco, Scarborough, ■ and Cape Porpus. In pursuance of 
the grant of revenue arising from the Indian trade, Walter Gendall 

^ Mass. Col. Records, vol. 5,. p. 310. 

'^Capt. Francis Hooke of Saco, came from Kittery. He was a brother-in-law 
of Samuel Maverick, the son of the proprietor of Noddles Island, now East 
Boston. Capt. Hooke was one of the magistrates in Maine appointed by Massa- 
chusetts in 1665. He was afterward treasurer of the Province under Danforth. 
He removed back to Kittery, and in 1685 was one of the commissioners to make 
a treaty with the Indians. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. I9 

the Indian agent, was called upon to pay to the treasurer ;^2o or 
as much as he has. The whole garrison consisted of thirteen 
men, part of whom were supported by Massachusetts." ' 

The next year, 1682, a further provision was made for the sup- 
port of Fort Loyall, and a tax was laid upon the saw mills in the 
Province. The following will show the number of mills and the 
amount of the tax : 

" In answer to an act and order of the council, made at the last court of 
sessions at Wells,- the 12th of April, 16S2, viz., Maj. John Davess, Dep. Pres., 
Capt. John Wincoll,^ Mr. Samuel Wheelwright,* Mr. Francis Hooke, Capt. 
Charles Frost,' and Edward Rishworth,* Recorder, Justices 

"An agreement made with Left. Brackett about keeping Fort Loyall for a 
years' time, beginning the 24th of May, next ensuing, Province of Maine. 

' Mass. Col. Rec, vol. 5, p. 326. 

^Bourne, in his History of Wells, p. 1S5, says this court was held at Smutty 
Nose Island. 

^ John WincoU of Newichawanock, was one of the magistrates of Maine ap- 
pointed by Massachusetts in 1675. 

* Samuel Wheelwright. A prominent man in the times in which he lived. A 
son of Rev. John Wheelwright, came to this country when young; was a resi- 
dent of Wells. In 1666 he was appointed judge of the court of C. P. In 1681 
he was one of the pro. council. In 1695, judge of probate and judge of the 
court of C. P. He was a highly useful and popular man. He died in 1700. 
His children were John, Joseph, Mary and Hannah. (History of Wells, pp. 
231, 232). 

' See Maj. Charles Frost, post. 

^ Edward Rishworth. No history of Maine would be complete without a 
sketch of this distinguished resident of Western Maine. He was born in 
Lincoln, England, came to this country and settled at Exeter, where he married 
Susan, the dau. of Rev. John Wheelwright. The name was commonly called 
Rushworth, that being the family name in England. He removed from Exeter 
to Wells. During all his life he held important offices connected with the gov- 
ernment of Maine. He removed from Wells to York, and for thirteen years 
was its representative (His. of Wells, p. 39), as also representing Scarborough 
in 1659 (Willis, p. 147). One of his children, Mary, m. ist, Wm. Sayward ; 2d, 
James Plaisted. She was taken prisoner with her two children by the Indians 
in the attack upon York in 1692. They were carried captives to Canada. She 
was ransomed by Mathew Cary in Oct., 1695. ^^^^ ^^^'o daughters remained 
there. (N. E. His. and Gen. Reg., 24, 289.) The '■^ Dictionnaire Goiealogiqne" 
quoted in N. E. His. and Gen. Reg., 28, 160, gives among the lists of English 
prisoners taken to Canada the following: " Mary Rishworth, dau. of Edward, 
of Lincoln, England, and Susana (Wilbright), [i. e. Wheelright], born 8 Jan., 
1660, in York; m. ist, William Sayer (Sayward), 2d, James Pfaisted; taken bv 
the Indians of Acadia, 25 Jan., 1692, with her two children, Genevieve and 
Mary Joseph Sayer, bapt. 8 Dec, 1693, i'^ Montreal. 

" Mary Genevieve Sayer (Sayward), dau. of William and Mary (Rishworth), 
born 4 April, 1681, called Sister des Anges, Congregation of Notre Dame, taken 
in war with her mother and sister; buried 28 March, 1717, in Montreal. Mary 
Joseph, her sister, born 9 March, 1685." 



20 



CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 



It is hereby mutually agreed and concluded by the council and the representa- 
tives of the several towns now assembled at York, as the one party, and Left. 
Anthony Brackett, as the other party, of Casco. That for the present and more 
easy carrying on and settling of Fort Loyall, that said Brackett stands engaged 
from the time above mentioned, to be the sole officer taking the charge and care 
of Fort Loyall by continual watch and ward, to keep it as a fort ought to be 
kept, with all necessary supplies of men, six efficient men constantly during the 
summer season, and four men in the winter, with sufficient arms, ammunition 
and provisions, and what ever else shall be needful for that service, for the term 
of one whole year. In consideration of said Anthony Brackett, his perform- 
ance of the premisses, the council and the representatives, in behalf of this 
province, do promise and stand engaged in the province behalf to pay or cause 
to be paid unto said Anthony Brackett, or his order, the just sum of ;^i6o in 
money or pay equivalent. In order to the performance of this agreement 
to Left. Brackett of £\6o, we have calculated the value of the mills in several 
towns arising by an indifferent proportion as follows : Boards at 30s per M. 



MILLS AT KITTERY 




WELLS MILLS. 




Mr. Hutchinsons, 


£10 


Left. Littlefield's, . 


. £a 


Salmon Falls, 


10 


Jos. Littlefield, 


2 


Humphrey Chadbourn's,' 


4 


\Vm. Frost's, . 


I 


Maj. Shapleigh,^ 

YORK MILLS. 


1. 10 

;^25.io 


Mousam Mill, . . . 
Kennebunk Mill, 


. 6 

4 

£^7 


Mary Sayward's,^ 
Capt. Nuttache, 


;^5 
1. 10 


CAPE PORPUS. 
Phnnpa Hull's.'* 


r-i 



£t).\o Gilbert Endicott's, 



' Humphrey Chadbourn was one of the assistants in the county court held in 
1663. (Willis, p. 154). 

^ Maj. Nicholas Shapleigh was a son of Alexander Shapleigh, from whom 
nearly all of the name in New England are descended. Alex. Shapleigh was a 
merchant and ship-owner, and interested in trading establishments in Maine and 
New Hampshire. He visited this country previous to 1635. His son-in-law, 
James Treworgy, was sent over as supercargo. Nicholas Shapleigh was a chief 
man in Maine. He was appointed one of the commissioners to run the lines of 
Falmouth in 1659. He was one of the commission who made a treaty with the 
Indians at Casco in 1678, and held many other important offices. He died 
without issue previous to 16S3. (Willis, and N. E. His. and Gen. Reg., 5, 345-9). 

3 The daughter of Ed. Rishworth. See p. 19, ante. 

■•This was Phinehas Hull, a son of Rev. Joseph Hull. He was a mill-owner 
in York and Kittery; was living in 1692, who according to (Savage, 2, 494), was 
a sufferer by the attack of the Indians upon York, who took his wife prisoner, 
Aug. 22, 1690, and kept her for their secretary until late in the year following. 
She was one of the ten English captives who were redeemed from the Indians, 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 



21 



SACO MILLS. 
Mr. Blackmail,' 
Thomas Doughty, 



CASCO MILLS. 
Samuel Webber's,^ 
Walter Gendall's, 



KLACK POINT. 

£4 Mr. Blackmail's mill, 

5 

~£9 



. £1 



£2.10 
6 



;!fS.io Total, . . . £jo.io 

A new addition of some other saw mills to pay these rents is as 
follows : 



Casco mill, Capt. Silvanus Davis' mill rent, 
Cape-Porpus mills, John Barretts, 40s. . 

John Batson's, 30s. 
Wells, Jona. Hammonds & W™. Frost's mill, . 
York mill being John Sayward's mill, 20s. . 
Kittery Spruce mill, Mr. John Shapleigh, 
Quamphegan ^ mill that is in Thomas Holmes' hands, 



£4 



3.10 

4 
I 

4 
6 



^22.10 



The next year, 1683, the General Assembly of the province on 
the petition of Henry Harwood, discharged him from the command 
of the foot company in Falmouth, and empowered " Capt. An- 
thony Brackett to take charge of it, requiring all the foot soldiers 

Nov. 23, 1 691, at Sagadahock. The Indians were very loth to part with her, 
because being able to write well, they had made her serve them in the capacity 
of a secretary. (Mather, 2, 610). 

'This was Benj. Blackmail or (Blakeman), who was an extensive proprietor 
at Saco. He was the youngest son of Rev. Adam Blackman who came to 
Connecticut in 1639. Benj. graduated at Harvard College 1663; ord. 1674. He 
married Rebecca, dau. of Joshua Scottow, of Boston, April i, 1675. -^^ moved 
to Scarborough in 1680; preached there ; then moved to Saco, gave up his pul- 
pit and became a magistrate. In 16S3, he represented the town in General 
Association. In 16S4, he purchased lands of J. Bonython. He as a justice of 
the peace in i6SS, ordeFed Capt. John Sargent to seize some si.xteen or twenty 
Indians who had been active in former wars and commit them to jail at Fort 
Loyall. They were afterward released by order of Gov. Andros. (Savage, i, 
194) ; His. Saco, pp. 168, 192. 

^ Samuel Webber was granted by the town in 1681 "the falls which are above 
Mr. Munjoy's land, on Long Creek, to erect and set up a saw mill & 100 acres 
of land adjoyning." He sold the mill in 16S5 to S. Davis and John Skillings. 
He was also a witness on the trial of George Burroughs in 1692, at Salem, for 
witchcraft, and testified to his great strength. He died in York in 17 16, leaving 
a widow, Deborah, and nine children. (Willis, pp. 236, 301-2). 

^ Now called South Berwick, 



22 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

to obey him as their captain, till further orders, and in case said 
Anthony Brackett accept not thereof, then Mr. Walter Gendall, 
or whom he shall appoint, is here empowered to take the command 
of the foot company of Casco ; and all the soldiers therein are 
required to yield obedience to him or his order as their command- 
er during the courts' pleasure," Gendall is also authorized to 
take charge of Fort Loyall if Brackett declined the appointment.' 

In 1684, the General Assembly appointed Capt. Joshua Scottow, 
of Black Point, Capt. Edward Tyng, Mr. Nathaniel Fryer, who 
lived at Spurwink, Capt. Silvanus Davis, and Mr. Walter Gendall, I 
" to take charge of the repairing and well ordering of Fort Loyall, j 
in Falmouth, and settle a chief officer there." And next year they ; 
order that the fort "be appointed a prison or jail to the four asso- I 
ciate towns, viz., Saco, Scarborough, Falmouth, and North Yar- i 
mouth ; and that the several Justices in the respective towns shall j 
direct their mittimusses to the keeper of his majesty's jail at Fort 
Loyall, and there shall be a committee appointed for ye settling of 
said jail and the keeper thereof," the charges to be paid by the ' 
common treasury.^ 1 

In 1684, the government of Massachusetts seemed to have some ] 
very economical ideas respecting Fort Loyall — for at that time 
the following order was passed : i 

" The surveyo'" gennerall is ordered to deliver vnto Capt Edward Ting for the ; 
use of Fort Loyall one barrel! oi powder, of the meanest of the countries store, i 
and ivorst and the value to be repajd by the Treasurer, as soon as the quit rents i 
comes into his hands." ^ ' 

The whole garrison in 1682 consisted of thirteen men, part of i 
whom were supplied by Massachusetts. I 

The following are extracts from papers in the Massachusetts j 
Archives — respecting Fort Loyall : j 

" Edward Tyng petitions for a new order for collecting mill rents. He says \ 
' Whereas by an order of Council Nov. 11, 1686, all the mill rents in the Pro- j 
vince of Maine were granted him for his care and service at Fort Loyall in | 
Casco Bay which he has not collected.' 

' Willis, p. 254. ^ WilHs, p. 255. 3 Mass. Col. Rec. 5, 451. { 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 23 

" Edward Tyng's letter to the council of Massachusetts dated Falmouth Sept. 
19, 1686, says ' he is in treaty with Indians, fears Casco will be the center of 
trouble.' 

"Richard Seacomb, Petition April 30 16SS, for mill rents, was employed in 
16S4 one whole year to take charge of Fort Loyall, and for compesation was to 
have the Indian trade for peltry and the rents of all the saw mills in the Pro- 
vince of Maine. The most part have not paid. Capt. Hook tells me I must 
get an order from your Excellency." 

I have in a previous article written by me on the battle between 
the Indians and whites, at Deerings Oaks, in 1689, referred to the 
hesitating policy which Massachusetts exercised towards Maine 
after its purchase from the Gorges' heirs. That colony for many 
years did not seem to be very desirous of retaining her newly ac- 
quired territory, at the cost of a large expenditure by her for the 
defense of the frontier against the Indians and their French allies. 
Their recorded acts in reference to the support of Fort Loyall, 
clearly indicates that they wished to impose all the expense of de- 
fending it upon the poor settlers of Maine, .who were, by toil and 
perseverance, endeavoring to sustain themselves in their rude 
homes in the wilderness. This wretched penurious policy of Mas- 
sachusetts was the cause of the disaster which befell Fort Loyall 
and P'almouth in May, 1690. 

Thus was Fort Loyall put into a semi-defensive state, to protect 
the eastern frontier towns against the attacks of the savage foes. 
Capt. Tyng remained in command until he was sent on an expedi- 
tion against the Indians, to the eastward, in 1688. 

Capt. Lockart was then placed in command. 

In the Hutchinson papers, published in the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society Collections, Vol. i, 3d series, page 85, Sir Edmuud 
Andros,' gives an account of the forces raised in New England for 

* Sir Edmund Andros was so prominent in N. E. affairs, that a brief history 
of him is necessary. He was born in London, Dec. 6, 1637, died there Feb. 
24, 17 14. In 1674 he was commissioned governor of New York, and received 
its surrender from the Dutch. New England having been consolidated, he was 
appointed governor-general in 1686. His government became very odious to 
the colonists, and he appeared with an armed force at the council chamber at 
Hartford, in Oct., 1687, and demanded the surrender of its charter, which was 
prevented by its concealment in a hollow tree, afterward celebrated as the 



24 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

the defense of the country against the Indians ; under the head of 
Falmouth is said, "A fort in Casco Bay, commanded by Capt. 
George Lockart, with his company, sixty men. The commander 
seized and forces withdrawn." 

Following the example set in Boston, in seizing Sir Edmund 
Andros, the people at Casco, having no confidence in Capt. Lock- 
art, believing him to be one of Andros' minions, rose and seized 
the commander. In Williamson, i, 620, it is said, "some sus- 
picions had been entertained by the Government (which succeeded 
Andros), that Capt. Lockart was unfaithful, that he had communi- 
cated with the enemy — for that reason the soldiers were with- 
drawn ; but a letter was written from Falmouth signed by Anthony 
Brackett and others, in which they say he conducted with skill and 
fidelity while at Falmouth. 

In the answer to Sir Edmund Andros' " account of the forces 
raised in New England for the defence of the country against the 
Indians," dated at London, May 30, 1690, the following is stated 
concerning Fort Loyall : 

" Falmouth in Casco Bay. A fort formerly built by the Massachusetts Col- 
ony ; is still continued ; and better furnished and provided than in Sir Edmonds 
time, Capt. Lockart a reputed papist was by order of the Council for that 
reason dismist and Sylvanus Davis, an Inhabitant of that place and formerly 
commander of the Fort, in his room. Here it was that the Indian career was 
stopt, and they defeated by the forces raised since the Revolution of the United 
Colonies." (This refers to the battle with the Indians and Church's troops the 
year previous, 16S9, at Deering Oaks). Me. His. Soc, 5, 395. 

" Charter Oak." Contemporary documents, however, seem to prove that no 
such event occurred ; that Andros really possessed himself of the original 
charter, and that a duplicate had been concealed some time previous. In 16S8, 
N. Y. and N. J. were added to his jurisdiction, and Francis Nicholson was ap- 
pointed lieutenant-governor there. A great prejudice existed against Andros in 
N. E. on account of his arbitrary acts. During his government he visited Fal- 
mouth and other places in Maine several times, and was quite earnest in his 
endeavors to suppress the hostile French and Indians. When the news of the 
revolution in England was received in Boston, he was deposed from his author- 
ity and sent a prisoner to England, but was there acquitted without a formal 
trial. In 1692 he was made governor of Virginia. In 1704-6, he was governor j 
of Guernsey. In the Andros tracts his character appears more favorable than 
former historians in N. E. have generally regarded him. (Amer. Cyclopedia, in 
part I, 488). 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 25 

After Capt. Lockart's retirement, Capt. Sylvanus Davis, of whom 
we shall speak hereafter, took charge of the Fort, with a greatly 
reduced garrison. He says, in a letter to the Government of 
Massachusetts, "that he had but four men in the Fort, with one 
sergeant, and one gunner, and that he had supplied it ever since 
Capt. Lockart left.' 

There are various causes that produced the second Indian war, 
called King William's waf, which broke out in New England in 
1688. In April, 1678, a treaty of peace was made with the Indians 
at Casco, and an end was put to the relentless war, which had 
been a scourge to the eastern settlements, and from that time, an 
interval of ten years, peace existed, and the inhabitants dwelt in 
safety within their borders and the shades of their own homes. 
But all the fair prospects of the settlements in Maine, and espec- 
ially those of Casco, were suddenly overcast by the clouds of war. 

Undoubtedly one of the principal causes of the renewal of 
hostilities was the situation of affairs between England and France. 
The revolution in England which deposed James II, the conferring 
the crown upon William of Orange and his wife Mary, who was 
the daughter of the dethroned monarch, and the triumph of the 
Protestant party in England, caused the commencement of a war 
with France, who espoused the cause of Legitimacy.^ The colo- 
nies in New England to whom the name of a Jesuit was a horror, 
welcomed the accession of William and Mary, and were ready for 
the conflict in defense of the Protestant succession. 

Another important element was the influence exerted by the 

French Missionaries and Jesuit priests over the Indians. For 

many years, and ever since the discovery and settlement of New 

France by the French, their missionaries had traversed the wilds 

of Maine, and had acquired an absolute influence over the Indian 

mind, had won their confidence to such an extent that the 

Abenakis tribes,^ on the Kennebec and Penobscot, were com- 

' Willis, p. 276. 

* Louis XIV took up arms in defence of legitimacy. (Bancroft, 3, 175-6). 

^Abenakis — or Abenaquis. These were the names of a group of Indian 
tribes of the Algonquin family, originally occupying the State of Maine, and 



26 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

pletely vmder their control. Outside of the few frontier settle- 
ments of the English, the whole territory of Maine was occupied 
by the Indians, who were the devoted allies of the French, and 
they implicitly obeyed the orders that they received from Quebec, 
or from the Baron de Castine, on the Penobscot. Bancroft ' says, 
" The Abenakis of Maine had been converted to Christianity by 
the Jesuit missionaries from France, as they well understood, that 
conversion to Catholicism would establish these warlike tribes as 
a barrier against the puritanism of New England, and the en- 
croachments of the English. Thus for nearly fifty years France 
had established its outposts on the Kennebec,^ where, under its in- 
fluence, the savage tribes had become their faithful allies in all the 
wars in which France had engaged with the English," 

Extract from Paris archives, N. Y. Col. Man., 9, 433 : ^ 

"The Abenaquis'* or Canibas, who occupy towards the coast, the country 
above Acadia, inland from Doagues or Mount Desert to the River Saint George 
which separates Acadia from New England, ordinarily reside on the River 
Quinebeguy and disperse themselves for the purpose of hunting as far as Que- 
bec whither they have been attracted by the missionaries. Of all the Indians 
these are the bravest and most formidable to the English. The experience of 
what they effected last year by the capture of Fort Pencuit (Pemaquid) and 16 
palisaded settlements, ought to be an assurance from them, were they to receive 

comprising the Canibas or Abenaquis proper, on the Kennebec, the Etchemins 
or Malecites, as far as the river St. John, and according to some, the Penna- 
cooks on the Merrimack, and the Sokosis west to the Connecticut. During the 
early wars that devastated New England in the 17th century, they adhered to 
the French, whose missionaries converted most of them to Christianity. The 
tribes that were prominent under the instigations of the French, in the wars in 
Maine, were those who dwelt upon the Kennebec and Penobscot. They were 
finally overthrown, and their leader, Father Rasle, killed at Norridgewock in 
1724. Many of them previously had emigrated to Canada, where two villages 
still remain, bearing the name Abenaquis, at St. Francis and Becanour. The 
remnants now remaining in Maine are called Penobscot and Passamaquoddies. 
(American Cyclopedia, in part i, 19.] 

'^ Bancroft, 3, 136. 

3 Letter M. de Callieres to M. de Seigenlay. 

* On the river Kennebec, in the present State of Maine, dwelt the Abenaquis, 
an Algonquin people, destined hereafter to become a thorn in the sides of the 

New England colonies The Abenaquis were near the colonies of 

New England — indeed the Plymouth colony under its charter claimed juris- 
diction over them ; and in case of rupture they would prove serviceable friends 
or dangerous enemies to New France. (Jesuits of N. A., Parkman, p. 321). 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 27 

some assistance for the expedition on which they can be led against the Iroquois 
in the direction of Quebec, and against the English toward Acadia." 

Baron de Castine,' whose romantic career in Maine is so well 
known, had his residence on the east side of the Penobscot, in 
the now pleasant town of Castine, then including the whole 
country called Pentagonet, He married the daughter of Madocka- 
wando, the chief sachem of the Penobscot tribe. His (Castine's) 
influence over the Indians was boundless, and he had at his call, 
when needed, hundreds of the trained warriors of the surrounding 
tribes. He constantly, by fleet messengers, kept up correspond- 

' r.aron de Castine, or Jean Vincent de Castine. This distinguished adviser 
and leader of the French and Indians in the wars in Maine, who occupies so im- 
portant a place in our history, was born in the year 1636, in a town in the Lower 
Pyrenees, of a noble family. He left his home when fifteen years of age, and 
joined the famous regiment of Carignan Salieres. The following year the reg- 
iment was transferred to Canada to protect the French settlers against the 
Iroquois. The savages were reduced to submission and entered into a treaty 
with the French. The services of the regiment being no longer needed, it was 
disbanded. He then came to Acadia ; then subsequently to the Penobscot, and 
settled at Pentagoet, now the town of Castine, where he surrounded himself with 
Indian retainers, over whom, with the aid of the Jesuit priests, he had a great 
influence, and became a terror and menace to the neighboring English colonists. 
A free adventurous life had great attractions to him. On the surrender of 
Acadia for the fourth time to the French (Charlevoi.x, i, 464, Shea's Ed., iii, 
210), the government of that province was conferred again on Chevalie;- de 
Grandfontaine, who appointed Baron St. Castin lieutenant, by whom Fort 
Penobscot, Maine, was reoccupied about 16S0 (Paris Doc, vii. 214), where a 
town at present bears his name. He married the daughter of Madocawando, 
sachem of the Penobscots, by which title he was adopted and elevated to the 
rank of chief. Longfellow gives this description of her : 

" A form of beauty undefined, 

A loveliness without a name. 

Not of degree, but more of kind 

Not bold, nor shy, nor short, nor tall, 

But a near mingling of them all, 

Yea beautiful beyond belief." 

— Atlantic Monthly, vol. .xxix., 334 (1872). 
By thus identifying himself with the savages, he became their leader, and the 
object of their homage, and obtained their unbounded confidence. He carried 
on a large trade with the Indians and English, and accumulated a fortune of 
three hundred thousand crowns. He had trading houses at Pentagoet and Port 
Royal. He took a leading part in the wars against the English in Maine, if not 
always leading the Indians and their French allies, he was their counsellor and 
commander. After the capture of Pemaquid in which he was one of the French 
leaders, little is known of him except that he became heir to a fortune of ;f 5,000 
per year, and returned to France, where he died, leaving a son here, " Anselm 
de St. Castin," who is often confounded with his father by some historians. 
(This sketch of the Baron de St. Castin is mainly taken from the article " Jean 
Vincent Baron de St. Castin," written by the late Hon. John E. Godfrey of 
Bangor, published in the Me. His. Soc. Coll., vol. 7, p. 41). 



28 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

ence with the authorities at Canada. His hatred of the English 
was intense, and for the injuries that the English inflicted upon 
him, he retaliated with a savage severity. The right of the French 
to the territory east of the Penobscot, then called Acadia, was 
undisputed. j 

New Hampshire Pro. Papers, 2, 46, 47, give the following ac- 
count of the war with the French and Indians, called " King Wil- 
liam's war," 1688 : 

" The lands from the Penobscot to Nova Scotia had been deeded to the 
French by the treaty of Breda, in exchange for the island of St. Christopher. 
On the east side of the Penobscot the Baron de Castine had for many years 
resided, and carried on a large trade with the Indians, with whom he was inti- 
mately connected. The lands which had been granted by the crown of Eng- 
land to the Duke of York, afterwards King James II, were to the west of the 
Penobscot river, and they interfered with the Baron de Castine, as the Duke 
claimed to the St. Croix river. In the spring of 16S8, Sir Edmond Andros went 
in the Frigate Rose to the Penobscot, and plundered Castine's house and fort, 
leaving only the ornaments of his chapel to console him for his arms and goods. 
Tbis base action provoked Castine to excite the Indians to a new war.'" 

Another account, N. Y. Col. Mss., 4, 476, says : 

" Sir Edmund Andros, when Governor of New York, invaded them (the 
country called Pentagoet, eastward and westward to the river St. Croise), by 
force, and took the habitation of one, Mons. St. Casteene, a Frenchman, who 
thereupon instigated the eastern Indians to make war against us, with which was 
the frontier countries of New England, on that side, have been much infested."^ 

In a memoir respecting Canada, prepared by M. de Denonville^ 

' The new government at Boston (after Andros' deposition), in a respectful 
address to St. Castin, disclaimed any sympathy with Andros in his treatment of 
him, and proposed generous terms of arrangement. (J. E. Godfrey, paper, Me. 
His. Soc, Coll. VII, 56.) 

^Andros was charged by his enemies in New England in 1691, with " involv- 
ing the country in a war with the Indians, by meanes whereof he hath occasioned 
the Ruine of many Families and Plantations, yea the Death or Captivity of we 
know not how many Souls. For he -went {with the Rose Frigat), and violently 
seized and took a7id carried away, in a time of peace, all the Household Goods and 
Merchandizes of Moimsieiir Casteen, a Frenchman, at Penobscot, who was allied 
to the Indians, having married a Daughter of one of their Princes whom they 
call Sagamores or Sachems, and when this was done, it was easie to foresee, and 
was generally concluded that the French and Indians would soon be upon the 
English, as it quickly came to pass." (Andros' Tracts, i, 118, 11, 50.) 

^M. de Denonville to M. de Seignelay. (N. Y. Col. Man., Paris Doc, ix. 
440). 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 29 

in January, 1690, after his return to France, he says : "The good 
understanding which I have maintained with the Indians (Abena- 
quis), through the care of the Jesuits, especially the two fathers 
Bigot (the Rev. Jacques and the Rev. Vincent, brothers), con- 
tributed to the success of all their attacks this summer (1689), on 
the English from whom they seized sixteen forts exclusive of Pem- 
cud (Pemaquid), containing twenty pieces of cannon, and killing 
more than two hundred of their men." ' . . . . 

Another important influence of the King William war was the 
activity of the governor of Canada, Compte d'Frontenac, and the 
zeal he displayed in its prosecution, acting under instructions of 
the French Monarch, and a brief sketch of him and his policy is 
in a historical view, of importance in this connection. 

Count Frontenac received the appointment of governor and 
lieutenant-general of all New France in 1672. He was, says St. 
Simon, " a man of excellent parts, living much in society and com- 
pletely ruined. He found it hard to bear the imperious temper of 
his wife. He was given the governorship of Canada in order to 
deliver him from her, and afford him some means of living.^ 
Frontenac was thirty-two years of age when he landed at Quebec. 
He was a man of action, his object and desire seemed to be to 
make Canada a great nation." The jealousy of rivals and the 
opposition of the Jesuits, hampered his government, and caused 
his recall from Canada in 1682.3 

The policy of his successor, M. de La Barre,^ brought on a war 
with the Iroquois Indians, and dissatisfaction with the government, 
caused Louis XIV to recall him in 1684, and the Marquis de Den- 

* The two Jesuits, Jacques and Vincent Bigot, were the prime agents in the 
removal of some of the Abenakis tribes from Maine to Canada to the St. 
Francis mission. They spared no pains to induce more of the Abenakis to join 
these mission colonies. They were in a good measure successful, though the 
great body of the tribe clung to their ancient homes on the Saco, the Kennebec, 
and the Penobscot. (Parkman's New France, 220, 221). 

^ Parkman's New France, 11. 

3 Parkman's New France, 67. 

** This gentleman was appointed governor of Cayenne, when that island was 
reduced by the French in 1664. He soon after returned to France, and after 
various services to France was made governor of Canada. He held that office 
1682-5. (N. Y. Col. Man., i.x, 167). 



30 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

onville ' assumed the vacant office. During his term of four years 
the colony was brought to the verge of ruin, and the king saw that 
it was necessary to make a radical change in the government. 
Louis XIV recalled Frontenac from the, obscurity with which he 
had been living in Frafice, and restored him to the government of 
New France. He went back to Canada to carry out the scheme 
which Louis had become interested in by the representations of 
Callieres, the governor of Montreal, who on his return from 
Canada, submitted to the French king a plan for the invasion of 
New York and New England,- which was to capture New York 
and to destroy the nearest English settlements in New England. 
This plan was accepted by Louis, and he embraced the project 
with zeal, Callieres was sent back to Canada to make arrange- 
ments to carry out the designs. He was assigned an important 
position as a leader in the proposed invasion. 

Frontenac went back to Canada prepared to carry out the views 
of the French King.3 He arrived in October, 1689. Among the 
papers in the archives in Paris, which are published in the New 
York Colonial Manuscripts, Vol. IX, 422, are "memoir to serve 
as instructions for Count de Frontenac, respecting the expedition 
against New York, June 7, 1689. 

" It was intended to fit out a naval force from Quebec, who should proceed by 
sea to the harbor of New York, there to be met by a land force of troops from 
Canada, who having captured Albany, should proceed by the Hudson river to 
join the naval force at New York. Another part of the plan was intended that 
a naval expedition should be sent against Boston also, which it was supposed 
could be taken in the same manner." 

These expeditions were not fitted out, as, on the arrival of Fron- 
tenac at Quebec, he found it necessary to use all the forces at his 

' Marquis de Denonville assumed the place of governor of New France in 
16S5, in place of La Barre, recalled. He had had thirty years experience as a 
soldier, was a pious colonel, and devoted to the Jesuits. His administration 
was unsuccessful, and he left Canada in 16S9, and was succeeded by Frontenac. 
(Parkman's New France). 

2 N. Y. Col. Man., ix, 404. 

3 Parkman's New France, 191-207. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 3 1 

disposal, to' punish the refractory Iroquois, who had captured 
Montreal, and threatened the safety of the whole province.' 

The commencement of hostilities by the Indians against the 
whites in Maine, began in August, 1688,^ by the Indians killing 
cattle in the eastern plantations, which caused terror to prevail 
among the inhabitants, the knowledge that they were to be assisted 
by the French (this incident showed the perfect means of commu- 
nication which then existed between the Indians and the French 
authorities), caused them to be insolent to the white inhabitants. 
In 1688, Capt. Edward Tyng, who was then in command of Fort 
Loyall, wrote to the Massachusetts government, that he was in 
treaty with the Indians, but feared Casco would have trouble. In 
Saco, sixteen or twenty of the most prominent Indians were 
seized and sent under a guard to Falmouth, and confined in Fort 
Loyall. Gov. Andros was in New York at the time ; as soon as 
he returned to Boston, he sent some troops to Falmouth, and 
in order to have peace with the Indians, released the prisoners 
(which was an important measure), and sent Wm. Stoughton, Esq. ,3 
a member of the Council, to confer with the Indians, in the hope 
of preventing the war, but he was unsuccessful and returned to 
Boston. Shortly after, the first blood was spilt at North Yarmouth, 
where Capt. GendalH and a company of soldiers were attacked 

' Parkman's New France. 

^Willis, 272-275. 

3 William Stoughton was born in England; came here at an early age; grad- 
uated at Harvard ; went back to England and studied at Oxford ; returned to 
Mass., was one of Andros' council; was lieutenant-governor under the new 
charter, 1695-1701. He was the chief justice in the witchcraft trials at Salem, 
and showed no mercy to the unfortunate victims. 

■•Capt. Walter Gendall was a prominent man in the history of Falmouth. He 
was an inhabitant here previous to 1670. July 12, 1680, Dominicus Jordan and 
others conveyed to him 650 acres on Great Chebeague Island. He was ap- 
taken a prisoner by the Indians in the first war, and became of service to the 
enemy as interpreter and messenger. In October, 1680, he had a grant of one 
hundred acres by the town. He was the Indian agent in 1681. He was ap- 
pointed in 1684 one of a commission to take care of the repairing and settling of 
Fort Loyall, and was killed by the Indians at North Yarmouth in Sept., 16S8. 
He left no male issue, and the name died with him. (Willis, pp. 131, 211, 235, 
250, 254, 273]. 



32 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

by eighty Indians. Capt. Gendall was killed. John Royall ' was 
taken prisoner. He was afterwards ransomed from the Indians by 
Baron de Castine. Governor Andros, on his return from New 
York, hoped by mild measures to avert the impending calamity. 
On the 2oth of October, he released the prisoners confined at Fort 
Loyall, issued a proclamation to the Indians, requiring them to 
deliver up their captives and surrender for trial all who had been 
concerned in the murder of Englishmen. These measures proved 
of no avail. He then raised a force of seven hundred men, and 
marched through the country as far as Pemaquid. He, as he 
went, left garrisons in the various towns ; one at Falmouth, under 
command of Capt. Lockart, of which we have previously men- 
tioned. The troops sent by Andros into Maine were nearly six 
hundred, sufficiently strong to have protected the frontier. It was 
productive of no good results. The activity of Governor Andros 
in the defense of Maine in 1688, was in marked contrast to the 
Government that succeeded him in 1690. 

When in New York, hearing of the beginning of the Indian 
troubles in Maine, he wrote the following letter to the Governor 
of Canada : 

"Gov. Andros to Monsieur de Denonville.^ 

" New York, primas Octob'' 1688 
" Sir. this morning upon my arrival here received advice of further mischeifs 
by a jjarty of Indians who have lately killed and taken several christians at 

' John Royall was the son of \Vm. Royall, the first of the family in this 
country, who settled at Casco Bay as early as 1636. In 1644, he purchased of 
Thomas Gorges the point of land on the east side of the river which bears his 
name, and on which he then lived. In 1673, he conveyed to his two sons, John 
and William, his land and buildings on Westcustogo (Royall) river. John was 
taken prisoner ; and his house that he left was used as a garrison, by order of 
Col. Tyng. His nephew, Isaac, who was the son of his brother William, was 
born at North Yarmouth in 1672; resided in Antigua nearly forty years; re- 
turned 1737; died June 7th, 1739. (Willis, 273,274.) His son Isaac became 
a distinguished merchant of Massachusetts, whose princely residence was in 
Medford. At the time of the revolution he was proscribed and banished. He 
died in England in 1781. In his will, Harvard College was given a large tract 
of land in Worcester County, which was the foundation of the " Royall Pro- 
fessorship." For an account of the Royall family, see October, 1885, number 
of New England Genealogical and Historical Register; also Old Times in 
North Yarmouth, Vols. 1-8. 

= N, Y. Col. Man., iii., 566. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 33 

Casco Bay neqre Kenebeque River, which they had before surprizd and taken 
several! others ; and bragge of further encouragements and assistance from 
Canada, which as itt occasions my speedy return to Boston. Soe cannot omitt 
to give you notice thereof by this exprese togeather with duplicates of my former 
of the nth of August, by Mr. John Smith, and 19th of September by Mr. 
Derrich Wessells, here inclosed not doubting but you will take effectual order 
that none of your Indians doe come that way to joyne with such malefactors and 
disturbers of the publique peace, or any such Indians received or sheltered in 
your government, and desire that if any captives shall happen to bee brought 
into your parts that they shall be freede, and those that took them be secured. 

To THE GOVR OF CANADA." 

Andres returned to Boston, and on the report of the accession 
of William and Mary to the throne in England, as he was con- 
sidered to be in sympathy with the dethroned monarch, he was 
overthrown by a revolution of the people, and confined as a close 
prisoner. 

This revolution in Boston proved to be very unfortunate for the 
people of Maine. It relieved Massachusetts of an oppressive 
ruler, but the effect on the eastern garrisons was disastrous. As 
soon as information of the revolution in Boston reached the dif- 
ferent forts, the garrisons revolted from their officers, abandoned 
their posts, and left the province in an indefensible state. The 
Indians soon found out the situation of affairs, and during the 
winter succeeding made preparations to vigorously renew the war. 

Gov. Andros in his report of the administration to the committee 
for trade and plantations,' which was received in London, April, 
1690, gives as his reasons for the Indian war, "that the new 
council in Massachusetts under Governor Bradstreet, gave orders 
for the withdrawal of the forces from Pemaquid and other garri- 
sons, and places in the eastern parts ; that the Indians were en- 
couraged and enabled to renew and pursue the war, and by the 
assistance of the French who have been seen among them . . 
increased their number ; that in a short time several hundred of 
their majesties subjects were killed or carried away captive. 

*N. Y. Col. Man., iii. 724. 
3 



34 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

The fort at Pemaquid taken, the whole county of Cornwall, the 
greater part of the Province of Maine, and that part of the Prov- 
ince of New Hampshire destroyed and deserted, and the prin- 
cipal trade of that country consisted in a considerable fishery, 
the getting of masts, yards, &c., for the supply of his majesty's 
navy Royall, and boards and other lumber for the supply of the 
other West India plantations, is almost wholly ruined." 

In April, 1689, hostilities began at Saco. Dover was surprised 
in June, Major Waldron and other inhabitants killed.' 

All the inhabitants of the settlements east of Casco Bay were 
driven from their homes, and sought the protection of Casco and 
Fort Loyall. 

Notwithstanding the necessity of Fort Loyall to the protection 
of the inhabitants, the defense of it (after the withdrawal of Capt. 
Lockart), was left to the bravery and resources of the inhabitants. 
In June, 1689, Lieutenants Brackett and Ingersol of the foot com- 
pany at Falmouth, wrote to the Massachusetts government (these 
letters are on file in the Massachusetts archives), urging immediate 
assistance. They represented that there were but few men in the 
fort ; that they were about worn out with watching ; that they had 
on hand but 3 1-2 pounds of powder, 24 hand grenades, 2 1-2 pounds 
musket shot, 20 balls for the great guns, a small quantity of match, 
about 30 cartridge boxes for small arms ; not one musket belong- 
ing to the fort, and no provisions. Capt. Davis had been supply- 
ing them from his store. ^ Subsequently the refugees from the 
Kennebec and other eastern places who had been driven from 
their homes added to the number of those who were to be pro- 
tected. 

After Gov. Andros was deposed, April 18, 1689, Maj. Charles 
Frost was appointed by the Governor and Council of Massachu- 
setts military commander of Maine, as by his commission as 
follows, viz. : 

'Willis, 275. 
2 Willis, 276. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 35 

' The President of the Province of Mayne in New England, 

To Major Charles Frost.' 

Whereas you are appointed Sergt. Major of the military fforces in the 
Province. 

These are in their majesties names to authorize and require you to take into 
your care and conduct the said military forces, and diligently to intend that 
service as Sergent Major, by Governing and exercising the military forces of 
said Province as the law directeth, commanded the militia of said Province that 
they obey and observe all such orders and directions as from time to time you 
shall receive from the president or other superior authority. 

In Testimony whereof I have hereunto put my hand and seal the 23'! day of 
August in the year 1689. Annoque R. R. et Regina Willielmi et Marias, An- 
glica prime. 

Thomas Danforth, President. 

The following letters are evidences of the state of affairs at 
Falmouth and vicinity at this time : 

"To the Honored Governor and Council 

from on board the Ship Orang Tree at ffalmouth. 
Haveing but a minute or two of time now to write, the vessell being at Sayld 
by whom I now send. Thought it my duty to give you an account of what I 
have noated down from an Indian Prisoner now on board the ship, w'^'^ was 
taken at Pemaquid, it being an Examination taken before Cap' Davis who is 
now here present. The Cap' of the Ship seems to be much Concerned for the 
Good of the English here, and for that end came hither, he is not yet deter- 
mined in his mind whether to leave the prisoner here or to bring him to Boston. 
Our Soldiers have begin to enquire for Cloathing Shoes & Blankets, and if 
you think good to allow them Sumthing Suitable to make Straw beds, our Cap- 
tain desires y' Some Swan Shot may be sent, is wanting about 6 m of Shingles 

' Maj. Charles Frost was born in England in 1632. He came with his father, 
Nicholas Frost, to the Pascataqua river at the age of three or four years. He 
was chosen representative to the general court of Mass. from Kittery, when he 
was 26 years of age ; and subsequently became prominent in all the political 
and military matters in the western part of Maine. He was one of the assist- 
ants to President Danforth in the government of Maine for six years. He oc- 
cupied a high military position, and was constantly engaged in military service 
in Maine till 1693, when he was elected a councillor from Maine which office he 
held till his death. He was the ancestor of nearly all of that name in this state. 
On Sabbath morning July 4, 1697, on his way to his wonted place of worship at 
Newichewannich, a distance of five miles, he was killed by a party of Indians 
who were in ambush by the road side. He was 65 years of age at the time of 
his death. (N. E. His. & Gen. Reg., 3, 249-262). 



36 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

nayled to cover the Stoar room in the fort, also a few single & duble board : 
nayles also a pair of Smiths Bellows. Also I would request your honors to In- | 
temate to me what allowance of Rum the Soldiers must have as yet I have al- ! 
lowed them a pint among Six men for each day they are upon a march. They : 
expect the same while they lie still being tould by Some here present that Coun- 
try will all allow it, please give me orders what to do in that case. Our pork ' 
is most part of it spent please to give me orders to Impress cattle or rather 
Send Suitable effects to purchase the same w'^'i I suppose will be cheaper so 
to do I suppose Capt. Phillips can Inform what goods are Suitable for this place. , 
Please to Excuse my rude brevity, being in haste remayn 

Your Honors humble . 

Serv*. i 
Joseph Prout.' i 

Rec. Sept. 18, 16S9." (Vol. 35, p. 2, Mass. Archives). 

"Winter harbor in Saco. Sept. y« 20, 16S9. 
Hond Sirs. 

after respects to your Honors these are to give your Selves to under- 
stand y* this day my Selfe and y*' officers in C omission with us and Some of y^ 
Gentlemen of the place takenig a Survey of the fort at Saco ffals, and the j 
lamentable exposed condition of y^ Inhabitants, as also understanding y* y^ ■ 
Governour and Convention had promissed thirty Soldiours for the reliefe of j 
y^' place of which there is but nine considering also what benefitt y' fort may be, ' 
if not only to y" place but y^ places yi'abouts. do intreat y* there may be a party I 
of about twenty or thirty able men more, y' So y<* fort may be maintained for it , 
is a place worth y* keeping (in it self) besides y"^ other circumstances y* man yt ' 
belongs to y** place promiseth to return thither with his family So there be ! 
Considerable Strength to keep it. Nought else at present but your Honours 

Humble 

Serv' Geo : Sweyne.'^ " * 

There is not only y« Saw mills, but a very Good grist mill and there is not an ' 

other hereabouts, besides it is their present fronteer — pray pleas to lett M"". , 

Sarg' have a speedy answer for we apprehend it very momentous." (Vol. 35, 

page 35, Mass. Archives). ; 

' Joseph Prout was a commissary for the troops in Maine during the Indian 

war. He was the son of Capt. Timothy and Mary Prout; was born in Boston ' 

Feb. 4, 1651. (Rec. Com., 9.) His brother Timothy purchased the Cammock ; 

Patent at Black Point in 1728, a part of which is now called Prout's neck '• 

(His. of Scar., 221). I 

^Capt. George Swayne had the command of six hundred troops sent by \ 
Andros into Maine in 1688, accompanied by Col. Church. (N. E. His. & Gen. 

Reg., 3, 259). They accomplished nothing and returned. In 1689 he was sent 1 

from Berwick by Maj. Frost with seventy men for Saco, Black Point, &c. (N. E. ! 

His. & Gen. Reg., 3, 257). j 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 37 

These representations at length roused the Government, and an 
expedition under the famous Capt. Church,' of King Philip's war, 
was sent into Maine. This resulted in the battle that took place 
on the Deering farm in October, 1689, between the troops of 
Church, aided by the men of Falmouth, and the French and In- 
dians ; in which the whites were victorious. 

Sullivan,^ says : "This action, 1689, was terminated in favor of 
Church, and altho his troops suffered very much, yet he saved the 
town (Casco), and the whole eastern country by that action." I 
believe that by that battle the State of Maine was saved to Massa- 
chusetts and the United States. 

This victory of Church's was the first check that the Indians had 
in their victorious career during the year 1689, and in consequence 
of it, they withdrew to their forest homes, and no further offensive 
operations were had during that season. But the enemy although 
for the time subdued were not destroyed. 

The following letter to the Governor and Council of Massachu- 
setts, was written by Silvanus Davis, a few days after this battle : 

Ffort Loyall, 7*, 22*, 1689. 
HonorebWe Gentlemen: 

I am Sensible with all Submission to yo"" Honours of ye Grave Care in send- 
ing Releife to our poore Distressed province, as also nothing can bee more 
taken notice off, than thoes Grate Smiles of providence that God Almighty 
should soe order it, that the worthy Maj"" Church & his Soldiers both white & 

Black, their shood bee Just in such Time of necessity the winde 

& weather Affording him a happy passage, allsoe his exceeding Ready Willing- 
ness and willing Readiness to serve their majestyes in this enterprise & Great 
zeal in Defending us & offending the Enimy to his vttmost strength & power, 
Just then Landed from sea, Being beyond expectation, for on the 20'^' of this 

' Maj. Benj. Church was born at Duxbury, Mass., in 1639; died at Little 
Compton, Jan. 17, 17 18. He was engaged in several severe skirmishes in King 
Philip's war, and in Aug., 1676, he commanded the party by which Philip was 
killed. Commissioned in 1689 as commander-in-chief of an expedition against 
the eastern Indians, he proceeded up the Kennebec, visited the forts in that vi- 
cinity, and rescued Casco (in the battle that took place Oct. 21, 1689). He 
made four other expeditions against the Indians in Maine, doing much dam- 
age to the French and Indians on the Kennebec, Penobscot and Passamaquoddy 
rivers. (Amer. Cyclopedia, IV, 566). 

* Sullivan, 202. 



38 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

Instant. Late in the Affternoon he landed him selfe & Immediately went on 

board shipe to Discover the Inglish wooman that they had Redemed 

from the Indeans that by Discorsing said wooman he might know the Enimy's 
prossedings, the better to know what method to take in the pursute of the En- 
imy, late in the night hee landed his men, that they might not bee Discovered in 
their landing. On the 21*^^ we had an allarm in the morning by Vertve of about 
twelve firings on Cap" Brackett's ' plantation, the enimy were discovered, we 
marcht out & Ingaged them about six hours, a ferce fight forced them to Re- 
treate & Judge many of them to bee slaine & their numbers being Grate, Judge 
to bee between 3 & 4 hundred & there was Grate firmness on Both Sides the 
Enimy as their Custom have bin. Adventured hard to Gett of their slaine & 
was harde in their retret thro a swamp to Cut Down to make pro- 
visions to carry them of, (wee had some slaine & soom wounded which y'' Hon- 
ors have a pertectcler acctt of, had our fforces known the Ground & a sufficient 
supply of ammonition, our allarm being early in the morning & their Landing 
late ouer night we had done more Execution on the Enimy). But nothing coold 
be more don & Expected than the worthy major & Comande performed both 
in persons & Comandes, all soe the exceeding Willingness both of the Sould- 
iors & all Inhabitance in this attacque is to bee acknowledged a grate and un- 
observed mercy. Gentlemen, y'' care for us we Thanke & hope that as you 
have undertaken this Interprise you will prossecute it with God's assistance to 
effect in subduing thoes who are the Gratest Enimys to God, his cause, us & 
ou'' peaceable settlement. I have noe more at psnt, to acquants y'' Honors' 
Take leave to subscrib my selfe. 

Y"" Honors moste Humble Sarvant, 

SiLVANUs Davis. 
our souldiers in the forte are all mostly naked it Greiffs mee to hear them Com- 
playne in the night when they are upon duty." (Vol. 35, p. 5, Mass. Archives). 

The following letter was forwarded to Boston dated the day 
after the battle on the Brackett farm : 

" Falmouth y*'^ 22"! 1689. 
To the Honored Governor and Council 

These are to Signifie that I red your Honors Letter 

pp M"" Aldens pt of the goods & provisions I have already reed on shore, 

the rest are yet on board, being hindered yesterday by reason of an Ingagdon 
w* the Indians concerning w'^'* shall refer to letters from such ppsons who have 
mdVe Causes to write than my self hath, all the duffells^ was delivered out 

' This was at the house of Anthony Brackett, near where the Deering man- 
sion is now situated. 

^ Duffels, a kind of coarse woolen cloth, having a thick nap or frieze. " Good 
dtiffels gray and flannel fine." (Wordsworth). 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 39 

among the Indians before it ccme on shore, by the major's order as also all the 
cottons was delivered among the Indians yesterday & this day all the Shoes 
among the Indians and some of the English and that by the Majors' speshall 
comand as also the Stockings except half a doz p" of Shoes and Stockings w<^^ 
I have privately preserved for Some who was in most present want. There is 
great want of Cloathing among the Soldiers as blankets, coats, wastecoats, 
drawrs, as also some beds or crocos to make Straw beds, for I fear some our 
wounded men do Suffer for want of warm lodging, and those who are well do 
expect Some thing of lodging for them (to keep them well). Most of the 
bullets as yet come to hand are musket bullets Smaller are more wanted, great 
wast is made in our hurry for want of a due care in those who put up what is 
sent in not directing by mark and number where to find what is suteable great 
part of this Saboth is like to be spent in makeing musquet bulletts into Sluggs. 
I hope your Honors will send a Speedy supply of what is needful. I have 
written to Mr Thomas Nicholson at Saco for him to signify his wants wt^^ a 
promise to supply him wt** what I have in store, but I doubt there will be but 
little left, by such time as I receive his answer It is not possible for me at 
present to keep any thing in my hands w'^'^ the Soldjers wants for the major 
commands a supply for his Soldjers as far as it will go. I shall not further en- 
large. Saveing to noat in the margin the several wants at present in minde & 
Subscribe my selfe your Honors humble Serv*. 

Joseph Prout. 
Memo, in the margin. 

a pr of Smiths bellows ; Shoes, beds, coats. Breeches, 
wastcoats, drawrs, blankets, small bullets. Swan shot. Some better powder a 
good quantity of stockins." (Vol. 35, p. 7, Mass. Arch.) 

Capt. Church, after the battle in October, went up the Kenne- 
bec river, and on his return, visited the garrisons at Scarborough 
and Spurwink. He knew from his experience in Indian warfare, 
that when the spring opened, hostilities would commence again. 
The poor inhabitants of Falmouth who had fought so bravely in 
the late battle, were also fearful that vengeance would be visited 
upon them in the spring, for the late defeat, and they were anxious 
and prepared to abandon the settlement on the return of Church 
from his eastern expedition. He, however, persuaded them to re- 
main, assuring them that if the Government would provide the 
means in the spring, he would certainly come with his volunteers 

' Major Church. 



40 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

and friendly Indians to their relief.' Capt. Church did all in his 
power to accomplish his promise. He represented to the Govern- 
ment the exposed situation of Casco ; informing them of the neces- 
sity of protecting them by sending them early relief in the spring, 
or suffering them to leave their homes, otherwise they would cer- 
tainly be destroyed by the Indians next spring. The answer from 
the Massachusetts authorities was "that they could do nothing till 
Sir Edmund was gone."^ This action of the Massachusetts 
Council towards the request of Capt. Church was another in- 
stance of the cruel indifference manifested by them to the poor 
people of Casco ; with war right at their doors, they could do 
nothing for them, because the Puritan government of Massachu- 
setts thought more at that time of obtaining a partisan victory over 
those whom they supposed to be the adherents of the exiled King 
James II, than they did of preserving their own citizens from de- 
struction by fire and sword. 

Capt. Church, however, before he left, did all that he could to 
defend his promise to the poor inhabitants of Casco. He called 
a council of war at Black Point, and the following is the record of 
that Council. 

" Province of Maine, 

Scarborough, the ii"^ of Nov''., 1689. 

At a Councill of warr held at the point Garrison Present Maj"" Benjamin 
Church, Capt. Silvanus Davis, Capt. W™. Bassett, Capt. Simon Willard,^ w*^^ 
the Rest of ye Commission oiScers of Saco, Filniouth and Scarborough. 

It is ordered, that one hundred there Majestie's Horses now in this present 
Expedition against the coman Enemies be detached out of the several! Com- 
panyes w'='i s'^ numb"" for ye security of ye Garrisons there Resident & in case 
any of ye Enemie be discovered, or any tracks of them be made in this winter 
season untill further force be sent, that may Advance to their head Quarters. 

' Willis, p. 281. 

' Ibid. 

^Capt. Simon Willard was an experienced officer from Salem, who had been 
stationed at Falmouth (Willis, p. 281). He was the third son of Maj. Simon 
Willard, who was famous in King Philip's war. He was born Nov. 23, 1649. 
He moved from Groton to Salem. He died there, June 21, 1731. (Essex. Ins., 
II, igo). Simon Willard was a marshal of Essex after the overthrow of Gov. 
Andros, and in active service a commander of a military company in an expe- 
dition against the eastern Indians. (Early N. E. People, p. 66). 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 4I 

Souldjcrs quartered in ye township of Saco twenty men in theire two Garri- 
sons. In the township of Scarborough twenty men in theire garrisons, viz., 
three, Spurwink included." The council then adjourned to meet at Falmouth 
two days later. 

" Ffllmouth, the 13*'^ November. 

Att a Council of Warr held in pursuance of w* is above written by Maj''. Ben- 
jamin Church & the officers above s<i Added Capt. Nathl. Hall,' Lieut. Thad- 
deus Clark,- Lieut. Elisha Andrews, ^ Mr. Elisha Gallison,* Lieut. George In- 
gersol,' Lieut. Ambrose Davis, Mr. Robert Lawrence,' Mr. John Palmer,' 
& oth--' &c. 

" It is ordered that sixty souldjers be quartered in Felmouth besides the In- 
habitants, and the Souldjers that shall belonge to the ffoart, w'^'' shall be fifteen 
Souldjers besides the Commander & Guner &ye Remayner to be sent to Bos- 
ton to be Ready to Returne Accordinge to order. Itt is ordered that there be a 
Sufficient Garrison erect<i about Mr. Gallison's house for a mayne court of 
Guard, Together with Mr. Robt. Lawrence his garrison, which two Garrisons 
are to be supplyed with ye sixty Souldjers left for to guard the s'^ towne. Itt is 
ordered that Capt. Nathani^ Hall is to take charge as Commander in chief of 
those forces that are left for the defense of the Above s'^ three Towns. Those 
Souldjers that belong to ffort Loyall to be under the Command'' of said ffoart." 

' Capt. Nathl. Hall was from Massachusetts, and was with Church in King 
Philip's war. He commanded a company at the engagement here Sept. 21, 
16S9, and did great service and suffered the most in loss of men. (Willis, p. 
278.) 

^ Lieut. Thaddeus Clark, see post. 

'Lieut. Elisha Andrews was the son of James Andrews, who moved to Fal- 
mouth from Saco about 1638. 

^Mr. Elisha Gallison (or Elihu Gullison). He had command of one of the 
garrisons in Falmouth, at the time of the attack, called the half moon. See post. 

5 Lieut. George Ingersol (or Ingerson), was born in 1618, was a military officer 
appointed by the Massachusetts Commissioners in 1668. He owned lands at 
Capisic, and in 16S0 was granted a tract by Danforth, on the east side of Ex- 
change street below Middle. At the foot of Exchange street, a garrison house 
was built, which commanded by Sergeant Richard Hicks, made a spirited 
defence against the French and Indians in the four days siege in May, 1690. 
He survived the war, and was living in Salem in 1694. (Willis, 295). 

'Robert Lawrence. He married George Munjoy's widow. He built a stone 
house on Munjoy's hill, near the present observatory, which was used as a gar- 
rison at the time of the attack upon Fort Loyall. lie was killed in that en- 
gagement. His widow married Stephen Cross, of Boston, for her third hus- 
band, and died in Boston in 1705. (Willis, p. 297). 

' John Palmer married the eldest daughter of George Munjoy, and lived in 
Falmouth from 1680 to 1690. His wife was the owner of Peaks' Island, given 
to her by her grandfather, John Phillips. (Willis, p. 133). 



42 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

" Ordered, That Lieut. Rich'i Hunnewell ' is to take the charge and Conduct 
of the twenty Souldjers quartered at Blew-point Black Point & Spurwink Garri- 
sons, as the s<i Lieut. Hunnewell shall Receive orders from time to time from 
ye s^ Comandr in cheife." 

"It is ordered. That Ensign John HilP is to take the care and Conduct of 
those twenty Souldjers Quartered at Saco Garrison as the s*! Ensign Hill shall 
Recaive orders from time to time from his s"! Comander in chiefe." 

" It is ordered, that ye fforty Souldjers posted at Saco, Scarborough & Spur- 
winke, are to be obedient unto y<' Comanders of ye several Garrisons, where 
they shall be posted, whilst in garrison, but to attend the Comands of Lieut. 
Hunnewell & Ensign John Hill, respectively, as they are concerned upon theire 
Scoutinge and marching out. 

Given under my hand this 14th of Novembr 1689 
By consent of s'^ Councill 

Benjamin Church, 

Comandr in Cheif." 
(Vol. 35, page 82, Massachusetts Archives). 

' Richard Hunnewell, of Scarborough, who, during the wars, was known as 
the Indian killer. He was distinguised as a bitter enemy of the Indians, and 
often found occasion to show his hostility as a ferocious and irreconcilable foe 
to the savages. He was killed by the Indians in 1713, and his body horribly 
mutilated. (History of Scarborough, pp. 144-14S). 

^ John Hill was born in Saco. He was the son of Roger Hill, who was the 
son of Peter, who settled in Biddeford, and was admitted a freeman in 1653. 
John Hill was commissioned as an ensign by President Danforth. He served 
mostly in the forts at Saco, Wells and South Berwick. After Salmon Falls and 
Falmouth were destroyed in 1690, most of the inhabitants of Saco fled for pro- 
tection to Wells. Lieut. Hill, however, remained in the fort at Saco. He 
married, Dec. 12, 1694, Mary, the daughter of Maj. Charles Frost. In 1699 he 
resigned his commission and removed from Saco to Berwick. (N. E. His. 
and Gen. Reg., 12, 139, 258). Grave responsibilities were placed upon him by 
the Government. The following is an order issued to him : 

"Boston, November the 3<i, 1693. 
To Capt. John Hill 

Wee Having Advice from Majo'' Francis Hooke that their Majesties fort 
now erected at Sacoe Is made tenable. Have ordered Him to dismiss the Sol- 
diers Imployed in that service. Reserving only twenty of them : or soe many as 
may make up that number, with such of those parts as are willing to be Im- 
ployed In that serviss. these are therefore to order and Impower you forthwith 
to Repaire unto that place, & then to take the charge of said fort & the soldiers 
that shall be appointed by Major Hooke to keep that post, whoum you Are to 
comand, order & direct In their duty, watchfuly & carefully to prevent surprise, 
& In case any attempt be made upon the same By assault or otherwise, to make 
the uttmost defence ; and so far as you can you are to Imploy the soldiers under 
yo' comand In the finishing of the fort and Building & making the Lodgengs 
Convenient, & this untill you Have further orders from His Excellency the 
Govourn'' whoe is daily expected to Arive from the Eastern parts 

Barth" Gedney, ) Comissn"'^ 
John Walley, ) for ye Wars. 

If by any accident supply^ of provision should not come seasonable for y^ 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 43 

The following report of the commission for the colony shows, 
that within six weeks after the battle at Falmouth on the Brackett 
farm, Massachusetts, notwithstanding the representations of Maj. 
Church and others, was endeavoring to reduce the forces at Fal- 
mouth and vicinity : 

" The Commission*'''^ for the Colony having amended it to the Governor and 
Councills, that the souldiers belonging to the Frontier Towns, now at any of their 
head quarters, together with all sick and wounded & others unfitted for Service 
be forthwith dismissed home. As also the Troopers here or elsewhere. And 
case there be not a prospect of an opportunity to prosecute the enemie that then 
the Indians that are upon service, and so many of the English Souldiers as may 
with safety to the people of the remote Plantations be spared, be as convenient- 
ly & privately as may be reteerned home. 

It is agreed & ordered. That in case there be no prospect of pursuing the 
Enemy Majo"" Benjamen Church Commander in chiefe of the forces abroad at 
Casco & the parts adjacent, with the advice of his Commission officers, and the 
officers and some of the principal persons upon the places, doe place a sufficient 
number of Souldiers, at such garrisons & out Plantations in those parts as may 
secure the same, and make out a party to offend the Enemy in case of any at- 
tempt, and dispose them under suitable officers, that they may under good 
government & order, taking distinct lists of the names & numbers of souldiers 
ordered to remayne in each place. And the s'^ Commander in chiefe, and other 
his officers & Souldiers as privately as may bee, draw off home & be discharged. 
And meet supplies and provisions be sent for the drawing off them that are to 
come home, and to furnish them that stay behind. 

past in the affirmitive by the Representatives 

Ebenezer Prout' Clerk 

Nov 6, 1689. 

Consented to by the Governo'' & Councill, 

Is". Addington,^ Secy. 

Nov. 6, 16S9." (Vol. 35, p. 72, Mass. Archives). 

souldjers in ye majestie's service, you are hereby to furnish or cause to be fur- 
nished, what is of necessity untill supply* come ffor w'^'' this shall be your war- 
rant. Boston ye 3'^ Nov., 1693." (N. E. His. and Gen. Reg. 10, 30). 

' Ebenezer Prout was of Concord, Mass. Was a captain, representative in 
1685, 1689-92, and clerk of the house. He died Nov. 3, 1702. (Savage, 3, 490). 
He was of the same family as Joseph Prout, before mentioned. 

'^ Isaac Addington of Boston. Born Jan. 22, 1645; "^- ^" '^^9' Elizabeth 
Bowen. Was a representative in 1685, and speaker of the house, and ne.xt year 
assistant. Under the new charter he was a councillor and secretary, and was 
appointed chief justice in 1703. He died March 19, 1715. (Savage, i, 17, 18), 



44 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

The following letters passed between the Massachusetts govern- 
ment and tha officers at Fort Loyall : 

" Boston : 14 Novem'' 1689. 
Mr. John Alden,' 

Yo" having received on board the Sloop Mary where of yo" are com- 
mander a recruit of provisions and farther supply of Clothing for the fforce at 
ffalmouth and other the parts adjacent yo" are desired, and ordered forthwith 
to sayle with the said Sloop Mary into Falmouth in Casco Bay, and deliver the 
said provisions and supply^ unto Mr. Joseph Prout Comissary upon the place. 
And if Major Church be not beforehand came away yo" are to attend his order 
for the transporting of such of his souldiers English and Indian that are to be 
drawn off unto Plymouth,^ that belong unto that Colony, and so to return unto 
Boston. If Major Church be come away ere yo'' arrivall yo" are to deliver the 
Letters directed to him unto Cap"'' Hall and the chief e officers upon the place 
and attend their orders for the bringing off such of the souldiers as are to come 
home, and the spare arms belonging to the publique stores that are left in the 
magazine w''' Mr. Prout is ordered to deliver unto you, and make what hast yo™ 

can by return with yo'' Sloop again to Boston 

By order of the Govern'' & Council, 

I. A. S." 
(Vol. 35, p. 84, Mass. Archives). 

"Boston 14 November, 1689. 
Mr. Joseph Prout 

These accompany Capt. John Alden in the Mary by whome 
comes supply^ of Provisions & Clothing for the Souldiers that shall be posted in 
the several Garrisons upon Major Church his drawing of with the rest of the 
Forces. As also some goods for the purchasing of more provisions those of 

' Capt. John Alden, of Boston, was the eldest son of John Alden, the noted 
pilgrim from whom are descended all of the name in the United States. His 
mother was Priscilla Mullins, whose romantic courtship and marriage is a 
pleasing history in the traditions of Plymouth Colony. Capt. Alden was the 
commander of the sloop Mary, employed in supplying the eastern garrisons 
with stores, &c. He married widow Eliz. Everill, a daughter of Maj. Wm. 
Phillips of Saco ; owned a saw mill, and spent a portion of his time there. He 
was in the expedition of Sir Wm. Phipps against Nova Scotia in 1690. In 1692 
he was accused of witchcraft, and imprisoned at Boston. He escaped and re- 
mained in concealment for some time ; then returned and was bound over for 
trial ; but the spell was broken, and he and one hundred others were cleared by 
proclamation. He died in Boston in 1702. He had six children. (History of 
Saco, pp. 184-186). (Drake's His. of Boston, pp. 499, 500). 

^ Many of the soldiers, whites, and friendly Indians came from Plymouth 
colony. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 45 

the Inhabitants an accompt where of you will receive therewith from the Com- 
mittee. In the disposal whereof while you are upon the place, you are desired 
to take a particular accompt and take care that there be a proportioning of the 
same to the several garrisons at Falmouth, Saco, Blackpoint, &c., according as 

may be most needed. And plased to pay out of the goods now sent unto 

Clois ' of Falmouth the value of three pounds or thereabouts in part satisfac- 
tion for the beefe taken up of him for the use of the army. Also please to perfect 
and send your accompts by Mr. Alden of what hath been taken up by the soul- 
diers that so their debentures may be passed. As also send home all the spare 
arms left by the souldiers in the magazines belonging to the publique stores. 
Capt" Alden hath been detained here severall days in expectation that Major 
Church would have been here before this time, having information that he was 
coming by land,^ but hearing nothing of him, the Council have now dispatched 
Mr. Alden yor coming away with him was not thought so convenient until the 
garrison be settled there and then some fit person may be appointed to succeed 
you whereof please to advise, that so you may receive orders by the next w'''* I 
shall labour to forward with the tenders of respects 
I am y'' friend & servt. 

I. A., Sec. by order 

of the Govr & Council!." 
(Vol. 35, p. 85, Mass. Archives), 



"To Isaac Addington, Esq. 

Falmouth, 9th, 16, 16S9. 
Sir 

Yesterday in the Evening arrived the Mary the severall goods I have 
this morning rec"^ most of them on shore I could have been glad if more bread 
had been sent for our stock was reduced to a little more than one hhd. as for 
pease we are quite out. I have been and still am endeavoring to purchase what 
Small ppcles I can get for money or any other pay of my own that I have to 
make for them, our meal was quite gone yesterday, and the Inhabitants not 
willing to bring any in without some reddy payment upon w*^'* having a written 
order from the Major. I Imployed the Constable to impress a side of beef w"='* 
was on board a shallop bound westward belonging to Mr. Wallace * w<='' he was 

' This was probably a member of the Cloice family. There were three here 
of that name — John, Nathaniel and Thomas. 

^This refers to the return of Major Church from the Kennebec and Andros- 
coggin rivers, where he went against the Indians. (Willis, p. 2S0). 

^Wallace. Several families of the name of Wallis lived at Back Cove and 
Purpooduck Point at this time. (Willis). 



46 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

careing to purchase cloathing for his famely, it coming abort, nine beaver ' I 
promised him that he should be speedily paid w'"^ I desire may be fulfilled 
when he comes to Boston with his boat for the same. As for sending the sev- 
erall of the soldiers by Mr. Alden I doubt I shall not be ablr to accomplish. I 
having been under great disadvantage by the severall ofiicers refusing to take 
up for their companies and to give me a particular acct of the same, w'='" if they 
had so don I should have been able before this time to have transcribed such 
accts., but it has been my work daily to deliver to each man sundry trifles with 
my own hand an acct. of w''^ cannot be so soon Sent as desired. I suppose if 
the Honored Govr & Council should see cause to appoint Capt. Davis to re- 
ceive what is left and to Inspect and render an acct. of the disposal of the same 
he would not refuse it, he being the fittest man as I know of. I have not time 
to enlarge being in a greater hurry than your selfe can hardly be senseable. I 
desire that either orders to draw bills for provisions or a more full Supply of 
goods be Sent to pay for them here. Some fall shoes Stockings mittings and I 
doubt some more linen will be wanting among the soldiers all w*^'^ with what 
ever else may be thought needful I hope will be sent by the first opportunity. 

S. I am your humble servt. 

Joseph Prout. 

An hour glass in this garrison is greatly wanted. 

Please to communicate what you think needful of the above s"! to the Honored 
Govr & Councill." 

(Vol. 35, p. 86, Mass. Archives). 



To THE Honored Govr. 



Province of Mayn, Falmouth, 9th ) 
1 8th, 1689. ( 



Sr I reed orders by Mr. Alden I have done what I could in settling 
and transcribing the accts. of as many of the soldiers as I could. These belong- 
ing to the Falmouth Soldiers comidg by Capt. Bas ^ though for want of him 

to compare them and examine them make me somewhat doubtful about them 
lest any or particular should be omitted. Some of our English Soldiers accts. 
are here Inclosed with some Information to the Gentlemen of the Committee 
about them I hope it will not be long before I shall receave orders for my 
comming home where I hope I shall be able to give as good an acct. of my 
stewardship as the circumstances w'^'* I have been under would admit. I sup- 
pose if the Council see cause Capt. Davis will be willing to take the charge of 
what remayns for the stores for the present. It will be needfull that some more 

* Beaver skins were the currency then used in these times. They were good 
legal tender. 

^ Probably Capt. Bassett. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 47 

bread be sent, the corn w'^^ came will stand in little stead except it can be 
ground, v/'^^ I doubt will scarce be done here. Some of the soldiers are drawn 
and drawing of; what goods are come I doubt will not be enough to supply the 

soldiers with clothing but little of it can be spared towards the paying 

for or purchasing meal, if goods had come for that end it would have been con- 
venient that I should have had some Information concerning the price of beef 
what to allow at as money, as for pease I suppose the cheapest way will be to 
send some from Boston for I can hear of but few to be had here. I have but 
time to Enlarge but hope that what is wanting will be considered of and and 
sent pr the next, and at present remayne 

Your Honors humble Servt. 

Joseph Prout. 

I have delivered to Mr. Alden 31 small arms being all yt I had left, with 
me of the country." 

(Vol. 35, p. 87, Mass. Archives). 

"Falmouth, 21, 1689 
Mr. Isaac Adington, 

Sir, these may serve to inform something of the present State of affairs 
here in Falmouth. Those soldiers left here are most of them men of 111 be- 
havior and take little notice of of their commander Especially since their Capt. 
went home though for my part I am of opinion their present disorder is the 
effect of the want of that due method of Strict Government w"'' they should 
have known before I would not reflect upon any man but I am fully ppsuaded 
that if they are not speedily undr a prudent comander their carrage here will 
be dishonorable to God and to the Country and unsafe for this Town, for 
many of them do often swear that they will march away home & it is hard for 
me to keep any of that supply of goods w'='> came last for the other Garisons, 
they many of them threatning to pull down the store house and take what they 
please, I wish that speedy care may be taken to rectify what is amiss This day 
some of them were ppsuaded to go up to guard the mill while corn is grinding,' 
and it is intended to continue a guard there (if pswation will do) untill a suffic- 
ient quantity of corn be ground for to last the Town the whole winter, and then 
wholy to leave off grinding therefore if it so thought convenient to send any 
more corn here, move than it be cheifly of Indian, some ground and some un- 
ground, as also such a quantity of bread as may be thought sufficient for the 
winter here are now of Soldiers and listed Inhabitants seventy nine men in 

' At that time there were no mills in this vicinity for grinding corn, except 
wind-mills. The location of this mill is uncertain, but from the language used 
it may be supposed to be on some elevated position. The high land on Free 
street near the Anderson houses subsequently had a mill erected there, and 
Free street was called wind-mill lane. This was probably the location. 



48 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

this Town w^^'^ eat of the countrys bread, besides those at Spurwink, Black- 
point and Saco Some fall shoes are desired & expected by some of the 
soldiers, as also some stockings & some more shirt cloaths, as also some more 
coats, breeches, neck cloaths, &c. The want of a compleat Invoque of the 
several goods formerly sent with the price of each sort is a great advantage 

for wth out I cannot send home the severall soldiers wth nor 

have the accts herewith of the severall soldiers to be left with whom the 
council shall apoynt too succeed me, when they see cause too send for me 
home ■w'^^ I hope will be speedily. Wth due respects to yor self, this is all 
at present from 

Yours 

Joseph Prout. 

These soldiers now in the fort undr Capt. Davis are most orderly and under 
the best command of any here and therefore I would not be understood to re- 
flect upon him or those under his charge." 

(Vol. 35, page 88, Massachusetts Archives.) 

Capt. Simon Willard was appointed to the command of Fort 
Loyall, and the following instructions given him, viz. : 

" The Governour and Council of the Colony of the Massachusetts 
Bay in New England 

To Simon Willard, Captain. 

Whereas you Simon Willard are appointed Captain of Foot Souldiers de- 
tatched out of severall Towns within the said Massachusetts Colony for their 
Majesties service was disposed and posted in several Garrisons at Falmouth, 
Saco, Scarborough, and other places neer thereto adjacent within the Province 
of Mayne for the security and defence of the said places and. the Inhabitants 
thereof against the comon Indian Enemy, who have made open warr and are 
hi actual hostility against their majesties subjects. 

These are in their Majesties names to Authorise and Require you to take in 
your care and conduct all the said Company of souldiers, and delligently to in- 
fend that service for the safeguard and defence of the said places their majesties 
subjects and Estates there, against the said Indian Enemies, their aiders and 
Abbettors, and so fight, take kill and destroy the said Enemies as yo" may have 
oppertunity. Leading exercising and ordering ye Inferiour officers and 
souldjers, Comanding them to obey you as their Captain and chiefe Com- 
ander, and yo" to observe and obey all such orders & Instruments as from 
time to time yo" shall receive from the Governor & Council of this Colony. 

In testimony where of the publique scale of the above s<l Colony is thereunto 
affixed. Dated in Boston ye twenty fifth day of Novembr -Armo. Dom. 1689, 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 49 

In the third year of ye Reign of our Sovereign Lorde and Lady W™ & Mary by 
the grace of God King and Queen of Engl<i Scotland, ffrance & Ireland, De- 
fenders of ye faith &c. 

S. Bradstreet,' 
(Vol. 35, page 69, Massachusetts Archives). Govr. 

"Instructions for Captain Simon Willard, 
Whereas you are appointed Captain and Chiefe Commander of the soldiers 
detatched for their Maj^if^ Service out of the colony of the Massachusetts now 
disposed and posted in severall Garrisons at falmouth, Saco, Scarborough, and 
other places neer thereto adjacent for the security and defence of the s<i places 
and their Maj^ti^^ Subjects there against the Comon Indian Enemy &c. 

" You are to take special care that all your Souldiers and inferior officers be 
kept in good order under comand ; and that the worship of God be daily exer- 
cised among them and all prophand Swearing and other vices and disorders be 
Suppressed and duly punished. You are to order and take care that the Soul- 
diers posted in the severall Garrisons and iitferiour officers that have the par- 
ticular comand of them do carefully attend their duty in their respective Posts 
in watching warding and Scouting for the safeguard and defence of the place 
and their maj**^* subjects there and for repelling the Enemy upon any attack 
made, and upon notice of the Enemys approach to march in a party or partys 
against them if by the advice of your officers and the officers and cheife persons 
of the place, with y* assistance of the Inhabitants, it shall be judged you have a 
Sufficient strength to send forth against them, taking heed of being ambushed 
by the Enemy or drawn out to engage them under disadvantage of numbers or 
otherwise so the exposing of yourself or Souldiers. You are to take care that 
there be a Suitable and proportionable supply of provisions that are or shall be 
sent or disposed unto the severall Garrisons where your Souldiers are posted, 
to be comitted unto the care of some faithful 1 persons there who may give forth 
the same as shall be needed and at due allowance and keep a destinct and par- 
ticular account thereof. 

" You are to take all opportunity to advise the Goveror and Councill of all oc- 
currences with you and of the state and condition of the several Garrisons and 

w' supply be needed from time to time 

Simon Bradstreet, Gov"'. 
Boston, 28"* November, 1689. 

Consented to by the Councill. Signed by their order. 

Is». Addington, Secy." 
(Vol. 35, p. 97, Mass. Archives). 

' Simon Bradstreet was born in England in March, 1603; graduated at Cam- 
bridge University in 1624; came to Massachusetts with Winthrop in 1630; was 
chosen an assistant Secretary, 1630-36, Deputy Governor, 1673-8, Governor, 
1679-86, and again after the revolution against Sir E. Andros, 1689-92; died 
March 27, 1697. (Savage, i, 236). 



50 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. I 

While thus Maj. Church and his associates were preparing with 

what limited forces that they had at their command, for the ex- ' 

pected contest in the spring of 1690 with the Indians in Maine, | 

far serious troubles were arising from their French neighbors on ■ 

the north against the English in New England, Callieres' who , 

some time previous had gone to France to lay before Louis XIV,^ \ 

the project of invading New York and New England, and destroy- ; 

ing the white settlements there, found in the person of the French j 

monarch an eager listener. He had espoused the cause of James \ 

II, was in a war with England, and any suggestions of an oppor- 1 

tunity to inflict a blow upon the English in North America received I 

from him attention and sympathy. Being, in the fall of 1689, j 

about to send Frontenac back to Canada as its ruler, he gave him j 

orders to that effect to carry out the plan of a war with New ■ 

England.3 ' 

t 

Frontenac arrived in Canada October 12, 1689. An extract j 

from the Paris Documents "^ give the following : " The order re- j 

ceived by M. Le Compte de Frontenac s to commence hostilities ' 

against New England and New York, which had declared for the j 

Prince of Orange, afforded him considerable pleasure, and were '. 

very necessary for the country. He allowed no more time to , 

elapse before carrying them into execution than was required to i 

' Callieres-Bonnevue. Louis Hector de, governor of Montreal in 1684, died in j 

1703. (N. Y. Col. Man., ix, 743). ] 

'^ Louis XIV. called the great king of France, was born Sept. 16, 1638, died 1 

Sept. I, 171 5. The reign of Louis XIV has been styled the Augustan age of : 

France, and it will certainly be ever illustrious from the splendid array of great j 

men whom the king assembled around his throne. (Amer. Cyclopedia, x, pages • 
655, 659). It was during the reign of this monarch that the important events 

connected with the settlement of New France, the French and Indian wars of •• 

the 17th century, and the attempted conquest of Canada by the English oc- ^ 

•curred. 1 

3 N. Y. Col. Man., ix. 423. j 

"N. Y. Col. Man., ix. 464. j 

5 Count (Louis de Buade) Frontenac was the Governor of Canada, 1672-82. * 
He was of a violent temper, and had many quarrels with his associates. He was 
recalled back to France in 16S2. Louis XIV sent him back to Canada in 1689 
under instructions to invade New England and New York. He was governor 
1689-98. He repulsed Sir Wm. Phipps at the attack on Quebec in 1690, and 
his administration of affairs was popular. He died at Quebec, Nov. 28, 1698, 
lamented and beloved. (Parkman's New France). 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. $1 

send off some dispatches to France. Immediately he determined 
to organize three different detachments to attack those rebels at 
all points at the same moment, and to punish them at various 
places for having afforded protection to our enemies the Mohawks. 
The first party was to rendezvous at Montreal, and proceed towards 
Orange' (Albany). The second at Three Rivers, and to make a 
descent on New York or some place between Boston and Orange 
(Albany). (A note says this detachment entered New Hamp- 
shire, where they burned a place called Salmon Falls). And a 
third was to depart from Quebec and gain the seaboard between 
Boston and Pentagonet (Penobscot), verging towards Acadia. 
(This was the party that captured Fort Loyall). They all suc- 
ceeded perfectly well." 

Another account says that "in the winter of 1689-90, three ex- 
peditions were fitted out against the New York and New England 
settlements by Count Frontenac. It was done by him to recover 
the prestige he had lost on account of the capture of Montreal by 
the Iroquois Indians."^ 

From Montreal a party of one hundred and ten French and of 
the Christian Iroquois Indians under the leadership of De Manet , 
and Sainte Helene,^ and DTberville,* the hero of Hudson Bay, and 
Bienville s as volunteers, started in the depth of winter on the 
expedition against New York. They waded through the snow to 
Schenectady, which they destroyed on the 8th of February, 1689. 

' Orange was the name which Albany was generally called. 

^ Bancroft, 3, 182. 

^Le Moyne de Sainte Helene was one of the sons of Charles Le Moyne. 
Was leader of the attack upon Schenectady, and in the defence of Quebec in 
1690 against Sir Wm. Phipps, and was killed at that time. (Parkman's New 
France). 

■» Sieur. de Pierre Le Moyne Iberville, brother of St. Helene, was a Canadian 
military and naval commander. He was born in Montreal, July 16, 1661 ; died 
in Havana, July 9, 1706. He was distinguished in many engagements against 
the English, including the capture of Pemaquid in this State. He was one of 
the founders of Louisiana. (Amer. Cyclopedia, 9, 142). 

' P'rancois Le Moyne de Bienville (another brother), was a prominent French 
military leader in Canada. He was killed in a battle with the Iroquois Indians 
in 1691. (N. Y. Col. Man., ix, 518). His name and estates were given to his 
brother, who afterward became the governor of Louisiana. (Charlevoi.x). 



52 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

i 

The horrors of that massacre are well known as a frightful chapter ; 
of our colonial history. 

After the destruction of Schenectady by the French and Indians, | 
accounts were written by various parties to the Governor and ' 
Council of Massachusetts giving information of the same, and | 
that they might provide against similar attacks upon their frontier . 
settlements. Of a letter from P. Schuyler, Dirch. Wessels, K. V. 
Renesselaer, Convention of Albanie, under date of February 15, ! 
1689, '90, the following is an extract: 

" Now Gent. The Indians speak well yet we are satisfied by all their ' 

actions that they will side with the strongest and ye Indians yt are among the 1 

french are all of our Indian Relations So y' it cannot be Imagined that they will 1 

destroy or anoy Therefore if their maj'«« subjects doe not Rise like one only : 

man against ye french there Maj^<=^ Interests in these parts will be Destroyed ; 
and they once being Rooted out all y^ Evills which spring from them as the 

fountain will B quashed, the Longer we stay the worse it will B. for we must doe ! 

it at last and then probably after we have lost many hundreds of our people 1 

which would be fit to help in such an Expedition we have felt the Smart of that , 

nation — and Pray God our neighbors may not come to same Disaster we are -, 

Satisfyed they did not design to destroy Shinnechtady but all ourout Plantations j 

but fynding them so secure sett upon them & left the others untoucht, thinking '■ 
they could never Escape there Cruelties. 

Dear neighbours and friends 

we must acquaint y"" y* never Poor People in y^ world was in a worse Condition j 

than we are now at Present, no governour nor Command"" no money. . . . [ 

We have here Plainly laid y« case before you, and doubt not you will take it to ' 

heart and make all readiness in y* Spring to Invade Canada by water." | 

(Vol. 35, p. 245, Mass. Archives). ; 

I 
] 

The following was the reply from the Governor and Council j 
of Massachusetts : | 

" Hond Gent. Boston, 27* February, 1689, '90. 

Yo^ of the 1 5* instant bringing the sad and Solemn news of the desolation of i 
Schicinectedy and the barbarous cruelties exercised towards the people of that 1 
place came to hand on Munday the 24"^ of this instant, which is a loud Alarm ; 
to the whole country to make all meet preparation to put themselves in a posture i 
of defence. The Government here have had before them the consider- ■ 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH, 53 

ation of an Expedition against the French in the Eastern Parts,' And have con- 
sented to severall propositions for the Encouragement of such as shall undertake 
the charge of carrying on the same, divers considerable gentlemen offering to 
advance towards it. And hope that something will beesoon brought to Effect 
in that matter; the people here seeming to be greatly spirited therein. It is 
very unhappy that the animosities and divisions amongst the people in yo"^ parts 
and refusing to subject to any order should make them careless and neglective 
of their duty for their own security and to expose themselves thereby to the in- 
cursion of the Enemy. Its hoped this sad providence will awaken them that 
are yet untacked to unite for the comon safety, and to make provision accord- 
ingly, and be very diligent in their watches to prevent a surprise. Should the 
French gain any more such advantages it is to be feared that it would further 
their Jesuitical insinuations with the Indians and draw them to their side when 
they see their Success and observe the security and divisions that are among 
the English yo^ care and endeavors to hold the Indians to their promises and 
covenant lately renewed may by no means be wanting at this time. And it will 
highly concern the English of those Colony^ and those of New Yorke and 
Maryland, &c were to maintain a good correspondence and intelligence at this 
critical time and to unite against a comon Enemy. In which we shall not be 
wanting on our part as occasion shall offer. Wee thank you for y"^ care in the 
Speedy Intelligence and notice given of the danger to the upper Towns of this 
Colony. And desire the further communication from time to time of what may 
occur for their Majt'^s service. Comending you to the gracious protection of 
the Almighty 

Subscribe Gent : y'' Friends and Servants the Governou'^ and Council of their 
Maj^<^« Colony of the Massachusetts Bay 

Signed by their order." 

(Vol. 35, pages 277-278, Mass. Archives). 

Preparations were made for the attack upon Nova Scotia, the 
government deeming that to be the way to defend Maine. 

"Capt. Nathanael Green,^ m^. Richard Middlexot, Nathaniel Oliver Esq., 
Andrew Belcher and Capt. Samuel Legg are desired and appointed a Comittee 
to consult and devise what may be necessary of a Shiping Provision and Am\i- 
nition and other stores to accomodate the Expedition ag» the French at Nova 

' This undoubtedly referred to the proposed expedition of Sir Wm. Phipps. 

2 The oldest gravestone in the Eastern Cemetery upon which there is any 
legible inscription, has the following, viz. : " Here'lyes ye body of Mrs. Mary 
Greene, ye Dau' of Capt Nathanael and Mrs Mary Green of Boston, aged 54 
years. Dec.^ May y* 23, 1717." 



54 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

Scotia and L'Acadie and make provision accordingly with all speed. And re- | 

pott the same to this Court i 

Voted by the deputies in y^ affirmative. j 

p'' order Joseph Lynde. \ 

Consented to by the magistrates ■ 

Is^ Addington, Secy." | 
(Vol. 35, p. 314, Mass. Archives). 

Another party started from Three Rivers on the 28th of January, j 
who were commanded by Francois Hertel,' and his nephew, Sieur \ 
Gastineau, as lieutenant. It consisted of twenty-four French, I 
twenty Abenakis of the Sokokis band, and five Algonquins. The j 
notorious Hopegood ^ was in command of the Indians. After two i 
months of extreme hardship they reached the little stream that \ 
separates Maine from New Hampshire, on the night of the 27th \ 
of March, 1690. They lay hidden in the forests that bordered the | 
farms and clearings of Salmon Falls. After midnight while the ; 
inhabitants were asleep, they made their attack, burning houses, I 
killing cattle, murdering many of the inhabitants, and taking some ; 
captives. While in the midst of their murderous career two ' 
Indian scouts brought news that a force of English were advanc- j 
ing from Portsmouth. Hertel then, with his captives, some of • 
whom were murdered on the way, began his retreat. After some j 

' Francois Hertel (Artel) lived at Three Rivers, was one of the officers of the j 

colony, and had command of important expeditions against the English. He I 

was ennobled by the king in 1691 ; was killed in the attack upon Haverhill, Aug. | 

29, 1708. (N. Y. Col. Man.; Drake's Indians, iii, 140). ' 

' Hopegood was a celebrated chief of the Norridgewock tribe. He was the ] 
son of Robin Hood. His career was long and bloody. One of the most im- 
portant actions in which Hopegood was engaged was that against vSalmon Falls 
in New Hampshire, which is minutely detailed by Charlevoix, from whose his- 
tory, and which translated, is as follows : " Three expeditions had been set on 
foot by Governor Frontenac, the troops for which had been raised at three 
places, Montreal, Three Rivers, and Quebec. Those raised at Three Rivers 
were ordered against New England, and such was the insignificance of that 
place that but 52 men could be raised, including 5 Algonquins and 20 Sokokis; 
these Indians had lately returned from an eastern expedition. They had at 
their head one of the officers of the colony, to whom could be intrusted the ex- 
ecution of an enterprise of such a nature with the greatest confidence." Such is 
■ the testimony which Count Frontenac gave in a letter which he wrote at the 
time to M. de Seignelay. That officer was the Lieut. Hertel. In the small 
company which he commanded he had three of his sons and two of his nephews, 
viz., the Lieut. Crevier, Lord of S. Francois, and the Lieut. Gatineau. (Drake's 
Indians, iii, 116). 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 55 

skirmishing -with the whites he managed to escape with his whole 
force. He did not attempt to return to Canada the way he came, 
but made a route through the wilderness of Maine to the waters 
of the Kennebec. On his arrival among the Indian tribes of 
that section he found needed rest and protection. He sent his 
captives " on to Quebec, and remained with his warriors to wait 
the coming of the party from Quebec who were intending the 
destruction of Casco. At one of the Abenaki villages he learned 
that the party he was expecting of the French and Indians had a 
day previous passed south (this was about the first of May) on 
their way to attack Casco. 

The following instructions were sent to Major Frost : 

" Province To Major Charles Ffrost^ 

of Mayne Instructions as followeth. 

Pursuant to the Comission signed & bearing same date with these p'sents. 

You are with all care to hasten gathering of your soldjers together, and in 
case Capt. Simon Willard be in any way disabled that he can* attend ye service 
you are to comissionate such other meet person as you shall Judge meet, & ap- 
poynt all other officers as you shall have occasion. You shall in all places & 
by all wayes & meanes to your power take, kill & destroy y« enemy without limi- 
tation of place or time as you shall have opportunity, & you ar also impowered 
to comissionate any other person or persons to do the like. 

You shall carefully inspect all the Garrisons in y^ Province, & reduce them 
to such a number,^ & appoynt such places as shall in yo' wisdome most con- 
ducive to the preservation of the people & y« great charge now expended for y® 
same may be abated. 

'The principal captives takefi by Hertel were six or seven children of the 
Short family, Robert Rogers, James Key, Mehitable Goodwin, Mary Ferguson, 
and others. (Mather, ii, 598, 599). 

^ Upon the advice of this mischief in the west (capture of Schenectady) 
orders were dispatched unto Maj. Frost in the east that the towns there must 
stand upon their ground. The Major did his duty, but they did not their5. 
They dreamt that while the deep snow of the winter continued they were safe 
enough, but this proved as vain as the dream of a dry summer. (Mather, ii, 
595)- 

^ According to these and previous instructions, the Government was endeav- 
oring to reduce the troops in Maine to as small a number as was possible. 



56 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

Comitting you to y'' Co & pe of God Almighty upon whom 

you have all yo"" dependance. 

I subscribe 

Yo' Loving friend 
Ffeb. 17, 1689. Tho. Danforth, Presid'.' 

[Along the margin is written.] 

I have prevailed with Lt. Andrews to come back esteeming him a fitt man for 

your Lt. and I would y' you accordingly enterteyn him 

(Superscription] 

To Majo"" Charles 

Frost in 

Kittery 
P. Lt Andros."* 

The attack on Salmon Falls was a bold surprise to all the 
whites in that vicinity, and immediately letters and appeals for 
assistance were sent to the Massachusetts authorities, and the fol- 
lowing from the Massachusetts Archives will be found of interest: 

"Portsmouth March 18 leSg'go 
Much Honord. 

Wee are just informed that ye Indian Enemy this morning Attacqued Salmon 
falls & have surprised all the families above the fort, w^^ are about 10 or 12 & 
have also taken possession of the fort & of Lords house where several fam- 
ilies live. W™ Plaisted,^ who gives this information made his escape from 
Capt. (John) Wincols* house w^i^ was twice assaulted by ye Enemy but they 

' N. E. His. & Gen. Reg., 3, 24. 

^ Probably Lieut. Elisha Andrews. See page 41, ante. 

^ William Plaisted was the second son of Roger, of Kittery, by his wife 
Olive, rather than the eldest as given by Savage, Parsons, and in the Went- 
worth Genealogy ; after the massacre of his brother Roger, 16 Oct., 1675, ^^ 
was the eldest surviving son, and administration upon his father's estate was 
committed to him and his brother James. A letter of the Rev. Joshua Moody 
(Mass. Hist. Coll., 4 S., viii. 362), shows that this William had been married 
four or five years, 5 Sept., 1683, when his wife gave birth to their first child, at 
Newichawanock. w. m. s. 

* John Wincoll,^of Kittery; the name is spelt Wincoln, Wincol, Wincall, or 
Winkle; was born in England in 1622; came to this country in 1635; lived at 
Watertown, 1637; freeman 1644; removed to Kittery, and resided at that part 
called Newichawanock; was a rep., 1653-5, and 1675-8, and from 1676-S5, in 
the commission under both Stoughton and Danforth ; had a military commis- 
sion as captain ; was register and clerk ; died Oct. 22, 1694, and was succeeded 
in that office by Capt. Jos. Hammond. (Savage, 4, 592). 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 57 

were beaten of by six or seaven English men who were left in possession of s"! 
house when he came away from there to give this advice & pray for relief, he 
saw not above twenty Indians, we have already sent away from the banks be- 
tween 20 & 30 men & have sent to our other Towns for further relief wee now 
here see the smoak rising so y' they are burning all before them Wee humbly 
pray a thorough serious consideration of the condition of this part of the 
country & y' such measures may be forthwith taken as in y"" Hono™ wisdome 
shall be thought most conducive to the prosecution thereof This is the whole 
of wt information wee can at present give as soon as we have a further acct. 
you may expect to hear farther from 

Much Hon'« yo' Humble Servts 

Wm. Vaughan,' 

RiCHD. Martyn.^ 
(Vol. 35, page 319, Massachusetts Archives). 

"Portsmouth, 19th March, 1689, '90. 
Much HonorWe 

Yesterday we gave ace' of ye dreadful! destruction of Salmon 
Falls ; and the particulars whereof please to take as followth. 

The enemy made their onset between break of the day & 
Sunrise when most were a bed & no watch kept neither in fort nor house. The 
presently tuk possession of y* fort to prevent any of ours doing it & so carried 
all before them by a surprise, none of our men being able to get together into a 
body to oppose them so that in the place were killed & taken between four score 
& 100 persons of w"^^ between twenty & Thirty able men, the fort & upwards of 
twenty houses burnt, most of the cattle burnt in their houses or otherwise kild, 
which was very considerable, from thence the enemy proceeded to Quam- 

' William Vaughan was one of the first counsellors of New Hampshire, from 
1680 to his death in 17 19. He was made "freeman" in 1669; was Judge C. 
C. P. from 1680 to 1686, and Chief Justice from 1708 to 1715. He married, 
December 8, 1668, Margaret, daughter of Richard Cutts. She died January 22, 
1690, aged 40. He had eight children, of whom George was Counsellor and 
Lieut.-Gov. of New Hampshire; died November 2, 1721;. George's second son, 
William Vaughan, was born Sept. 12, 1703 ; graduated at Harvard College in 
1722; was Lieut.-Col. at the capture of Louisburg in 1745. He removed to 
Damariscotta. He died in England in 1746. (Wentworth Genealogy, i, 297). 
He was the grandfather of the William Vaughan who came to Portland from 
Portsmouth in 1784, and purchased large tracts of land in the western part of 
the city; one of whose children was the late William T. Vaughan of this city. 

^ Richard Martyn, of Portsmouth, was a son in law of Richard Cutts. He 
held important offices and was in 1693 C. J. of C. C. P., and the same year app. 
C. J. of the S. J. C. He m. ist, Sarah Tuttle, dau. of John Tuttle; 2d Martha 
(Symonds) Dennison, widow of John Dennison ; 3d, Elizabeth (Sherburn) Lear, 
widow of Tobias Lear; 4th, Mary (Penning) Wentworth, widow of Samuel 
Wentworth. He died April 2, 1694. Of eight children he left two sons and 
two daughters, wives of Richard Jose and John Cutts. (N. H. His. Coll., VHI, 
311-317. Wentworth Gen., i, 116). 



58 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

phegan, where lived onely Thomas Homes, who upon the alarm retired from his 
house to a small Garrison built near his Saw mill whither also some of Salmon 
falls y^ made their escape fled about 30 of the Enemie surrounded Holmes' 
house but met with no opposition there till fourteen men of ours came up from 
the lower part of y'' Town & undiscovered by ye Enemy made a shot upon y® 
party of Indians at Holmes house. Sundry of y™ standing before the door at 
w*'^ shot they say three of the Enemy fell ye run into the house and broke 
through y'^ backside & roof & being more numerous than ours forced our men to 
retire, nine of them got safe home & five escaped to Holmes Garrison, only 
one of ours wounded in the encounter, then the enemy burnt Holmes house & 
proceeded about a mile down & burnt the minister E house with two more & 

Assaulted Garrison but were repulsed & so retired. James Plaisted ' 

who was taken at Salmon falls was sent by Hopegood (commander-in-chief of 
the Indians), with a flag of truce to Thomas Holmes for ye surrend'' of his 
Garrison — promising liberty to depart upon his so doing, but Plaisted returned 
not now was y^ Garrison surrounded. The si^ Plaisted who was in y^ enemies 
hands many hours Informe yt he saw of y"^ Enemy one hundred & fifty men well 
accoutred & supposes them to be about one half ffrench. upon their taking 
possession of ye ffort he saith that ten of them french & Indians made a dance 
w<='^ Hopegood told him were all officers; he also told him of his Brother 
Goodon^ who lived in Lord's house, was soon to be tryd for his life by a Coun- 

'James Plaisted, who called himself " of York," was the next son of Roger 
and Olive ; he married, first, Lydia, daughter of Richard and Lucretia Hitch- 
cock, and granddaughter of Thomas Williams, of Saco; and presented two 
claims in her right to land there before the Commissioners of " Eastern 
Claims." It is apparent from the York (town) records that his first wife, Lyd- 
ia, had deceased prior to 10 Dec, 1690, for he had then married second, Mary, 
widow of John Sayward, and daughter of Edward and Susanna (Wheelwright) 
Rishworth. She was carried into captivity with two of her daughters by Say- 
ward, but redeemed in Oct., 1695, ^7 Matthew Gary, she returned home, and 
bore Plaisted two daughters, the first of whom was named Lydia, in affection- 
ate remembrance of his previous wife. It is somewhat of a digression, but this 
research discloses bits of evidence that solve a much discussed question, and 
go to prove that the above Susanna (probably the eldest), daughter of the Rev. 
John Wheelwright, had first married Thomas Wight (i.e. White), of the Exe- 
ter Combination, and had by him the daughter, Mary White, who was adopted 
by Rishworth, is called " daughter [i.e. step-daughter], of Edward Rishworth," 
in her grandfather's will, and afterwards married the Rev. Shubael Dremmer. 

w. M. s. 

^This was Thomas Goodwin, third son of Daniel, the emigrant, by his wife, 
Margaret, daughter of Thomas and Patience (Chadbourne) Spencer; he was 
"brother" [in-law] to James Plaisted, having married Mehitable, youngest child 
of Roger and Olive Plaisted ; he had by her, among others, Capt. Ichabod, 
whose grandson. Dr. James Scammon Goodwin, lately deceased at his home on 
Spring street in this city. Mrs. Mehitable (Plaisted) Goodwin was captured 
by the India,ns at Berwick, March 18, 1689, '90, as narrated by Mather's Mag- 
nalia, 11, 598, and quoted by Belknap. She was a captive five years in Canada, 
redeemed by Cary in October, 1695 (Gen. Reg., 24, 289). She returned to her 
home in Berwick, where she died. w. M. S. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 59 

cill of warr for yt in their taking Lord's house he said Goodson had killed one 
ffrenchman & mortally wounded another & further said there was Eight french 
ships assigned for Pascataqua river to destroy y« same. The alarm being given 
to all adjacent Towns in order to their relief e wee sent about thirty men from 
this Town, as many went from Dover, & a party from York together with w* 
could be got from there own Town, but before they could unite there force it 
was neare night & then they marched wth about loo men, under Comand of 
Capt Jo Hamond ' of y'= upper part of Kittery, the scouts y' went before, just 
as they came w"* in sight of Salmon falls discovered one of y*' Enemy who was 
binding up his pack & staying behind his company fell into our hands, w^^* 
proved to bee a ffrenchman, whose examination in short wee herewith send you 
& to morrow morning intend to send the person towards you by land, none by 
water being just ready to go; our ffriends proceeded in pursuit of y'' Enemy & 
about 2 mile above y" ffort of Salmon falls at the farther house up in the woods 

discovered them about y*^ setting of y® Sunn, our men presently fell upon 

them & they as resolutely, opposed them, in short the fight lasted as long as they 
could see friends from Enemies in w**^ wee lost two men, one of York another 
of Cocheco kild upon ye place & 6 or 7 wounded. Some is feared mortally w' 
damage wee did the Enemy wee cant at present say. This is all y" acct. we at 
present give, to morrow intend you shall hear again from us. wee Intercom 
Subscribe ourselves 

Honbie Sirs 

Yo'' humble Servts. 

Wm. Vaughan, 
RiCHD Martyn." 
(Vol. 35, p. 326, Mass. Archives). 

The French prisoner was sent to Portsmouth, and was quite 



' Capt. or Maj. Joseph Hammond was the second son of Wm. Hammond 
(the name was spelt in various ways), who was born in England in 1597, came 
over in 1630, was made a freeman at Boston in 1636; moved to Wells ; had two 
sons, Jonathan and Joseph, and daughters. He, William, died suddenly in 
1702, aged 105 years. Joseph moved to Kittery; was made a counsellor of 
Massachusetts, and received a military commission. He was appointed regis- 
ter and clerk by Massachusetts Dec. 4, 1694, in the place of Capt. John Win- 
coll, deceased.' He was seized by Indians near Saco fort, July 6, 1695, P^ 
carried to Canada. He was redeemed by Mathew Carey in October following, 
and returned to Kittery. He held the office of register for many years. He 
died, according to Savage, Feb. 24, 17 10, according to his son's account, in 1709. 
He left one son, Joseph, and two daughters. (Savage, 2, 341. N. E. His. & 
Gen. Reg., 9, 312, 24, 289, Mass. His Coll., 5, 5th series, 396. Williamson, i, 
642). 



6o CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

communicative to the authorities. The following paper contains 

his statement : 

" PoRTSM", 19th March, 1689, '90. 
Upon Examination of the frenchman taken at Salmon ffals he saith 

Their company that Attaqued Salmon ffals consisted of sixty men 
30 french & 30 Indians who came from Canady the beginning of ffoube. (Feb- 
ruary) from a Town called three rivers laying above Cabeck (Quebec), that they 
had not been near any English Plantations since they came out till now but 
waited about twenty or thirty miles off severall days for a party of 20 or 30 
Indians who promised to meet & Joyn wth them but came not, that they have 
lived wholly upon hunting, y* they came by order of the ffrench Gov'' at Canada 
that both ffrench & Indians are in pay at ten livres pp month. The said Govf 
is Count Frontonack y* arrived from ffrance last year in a man of warr wth 
severall merchant ships w'^'^ went away again in 8 o^*"^, only two ships remain in 
Canada of twenty-five guns a piece. That two partys of ffrench & Indians of 
three hundred men in a Company, came out about the same time they came 
but whither they were designed he saith he knows not. That he knows nothing 
of the mischief done near Albany, that they intended to carry their captives to 
Canada and there sell them y' their design was not against this place when 
they came forth but principally against Monsieur Tyng & the place where he 
lived,' but he saith the Indians who were their principal pilots ded often vary in 
their opinions about what place to fall upon, wee cant understand whither it 
were Mr. Tyng, of merrimack river ^ or Casco Bay. That they saw no Consid- 
erable Company of Indians in their march only a few in some places hunting 
that they brought out with them ten pounds of powder and sixty bullets a piece, 
that there were sundry English captives at Canada, but he saw only three girls 
& a boy, that the ffrench are able to rai.se four or five thousand men in Canada 
able to bear arms & yt they had Thirty two Companies of fifty men in a Com- 
pany in constant pay that the ffrench Cap" name of this Company is Monsieur 
Artell (Hertel) his son being his lieutenant." 
(Vol. 35, p. 325, Mass. Archives). 

' This statement should have been good evidenee to the authorities that an 
attack on Casco was contemplated. Monsieur Tyng, whom the Frenchman 
named, should have been known to them as Capt. Ed. Tyng, the former 
commander of Fort Loyall, who as a skilled warrior against the Indians, was 
held in dread by them, and they were desirous of revenging themselves by an 
attack upon Casco. 

^ Mr. Tyng on the Merrimack river was a brother of Edward Tyng of Casco, 
and sons of the first Edward, who came here in 1630. Jonathan's residence was 
at Dunstable, near Tyngsboro, adjoining Lowell. He was father of Hon. John 
Tyng, who at times was a large owner of real estate in Falmouth, who was born 
in 1703, was a judge C. C. P.; died in Tyngsboro in 1797, aged 94. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 6 1 

The information given by this French prisoner of the proposed 
attack upon New England caused letters to be written from Major 
Charles Frost and others, to the Government of Massachusetts, 
dated Portsmouth, March 26, 1690, in reference to defending 
Piscataquis river against the expected attack of the French. 
(Vol. 35, page 371, Massachusetts Archives). 

The Government sent to England for assistance : 

"Order of Governor and Council. 
(Andros' Tracts, 3, 63). 
Ordered, that the sloop Resolution be forthwith be fitted up and despatched 
away for England at the public charge, with advice to their Majesties of the 
present danger their Majesties Colonys in these parts are in of Incursion by 
the French in Canada now in actual hostility with the crown of England, and 
of the want of armes and ammunitions to furnish the Country for their defence, 
And that some Gentlemen or Merchants be desired to take up money on the 
public Account to load her at the best rates they can agree. The Treasurer, 
Mr. Edward Bromfield' and Mr. Joseph Parsons^ are appointed a Committee 
to purchase oyle or Logwood to load her without delay. 

Voted in the affirmative by their Majesties. 

ISA. Addington, Sec''. 
13 March 1689-90. 

Consented to by the Deputies 
Ebenezer Prout, 

Clerk." 

This now brings us to the third party which had been fitted out 
by Frontenac for the destruction of Casco and Fort Loyall. It 
consisted of fifty French soldiers and fifty Abenakis Indians from 
the mission of St. Francis, They left Quebec in January, 1690, 

" Edward Bromfield was born in England, June 10, 1648-49, came to New 
England in 1675. ^^ ^^^ twice married, first about 1678, to Mrs. Elizabeth 
Brading ; second to Miss Mary Danforth, of Roxbury. He was a member of 
the Council from 1703 to 1728. He was a membar of the South church for 
about fifty years. He died in June, 1734, and was entombed in King's Chapel 
burying ground. The tombstone, still in good preservation, is in the northern 
side of the enclosure. He lived on the street that now bears his name. (N. 
E. His. & Gen. Reg., 25, 329). 

^ Joseph Parsons was of Boston ; married Bertha, daughter of Thomas 
Brattle; was a member of the patriot council of war for the overthrow of 
Andros. (Savage, 3, 363). 



62 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

under the command of Sieur de Portneuf. His lieutenant was 
Sieur de Courtemanche,his cousin. (Willis, p. 285 states on the au- 
thority of Capt. Davis' narrative that Courtemanche was at the cap- 
ture of Schenectady). I do not find any other authority for that 
statement. He also erroneously, on the same authority, gives to 
Portneuf the name of Burniffe. 

This party steadily and slowly advanced after leaving the St. 
Lawrence through the wilderness and mountain ranges that sepa- 
rate the waters of the St. Lawrence and those of the Kennebec, 
sustaining themselves by hunting and fishing. They rested at the 
Indian villages as they proceeded, and added to their numbers 
from the Indian recruits that offered. Previous to the departure 
of this party, Count Frontenac, during the winter previous, had 
sent messengers to the Baron de Castine on the Penobscot,' stating 
his intention to attack the white settlements in Maine' in the 
spring, and requesting his assistance with a force of the Penobscot 
tribe. Castine readily complied. He was still smarting with the 
injuries he had received from Sir Edmund Andros and the English 
a short time previous, and was eager for an attack upon Casco and 
Fort Loyall. During the winter months, and after having received 
orders from Frontenac, he had selected the best of the Tarratine 
warriors, gathered ammunition and stores, and with his father-in- 
law Madockawando,^ the chief of the Penobscots, accompanied by 

' A road through the wilderness, for messingers to pass to and from ; from 
Quebec to Pentagout (Penobscot) and Fort Royal, was opened as early as 167 1. 
(N. Y. Col. Doc, IX, 72). 

^ Madockawando was a chief of the Penobscot tribe, an adopted son of the 
chief Assiminasqua. He was not an enemy to the English at the beginning, 
but as they began a warfare on his people, it instigated him to retaliate, and in 
the subsequent wars, the Penobscot tribe, " under the direction of Madockawando 
and Mugg, performed their full share in the work of desolation and death, 
which was dealt out so freely to this devoted province." (Willis, p. 199). 
Madockawando is described by Hubbard (H, 177). "as of a strange kind 
of a moralized savage, grave and serious in speech and carriage, and not 
without some show of religion." At the close of the war of 1675-6, his tribe 
had among them about sixty English captives. When it was known to him 
that the English desired to "treat about peace, he sent Mugg, one of his chiefs, 
to Portsmouth to receive proposals, and that he might meet with a good ac- 
ceptance, he sent with him a captive to his home. Capt. Gendall, of Casco, 
mentioned on page 31, ante, being there, forced Mugg aboard his vessel and 
carried him to Boston. He being in the power of the English, Madockawando 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 63 

at least one. hundred of the warlike men of that tribe, they started 
to meet the expedition from Quebec, in April, 1690. They, carry- 
ing their canoes, traversed the short distance between the waters 
of the Penobscot and the river Sebasticook, and floated down the, 
stream to its junction with the Kennebec in the present town of 
Winslow, and at which point Fort Halifax ' was subsequently con- 
structed. When on the waters of the Kennebec they were in 
communication with the Indians in that vicinity, and they were 
soon joined by the party from Quebec under the command of 
Portneuf. Soon the party of Hertel, who had destroyed Salmon 
Falls, came up with them, and an agreement was made respecting 
the expedition against Casco. The different parties rendezvoused 
at Merrymeeting Bay, and they comprised a force of between four 
and five hundred. The French leaders were Portneuf,^ Hertel, 
Baron de Castine, and Courtemanche.^ The Indian chiefs were 



was forced to agree to such terms as the English dictated. It is no wonder, 
then, that the great chief soon appeared again as their enemy. Madockavvando 
remained quiet till the commencement of the King William war, when he took 
up arms, and in various places in Maine attacked the English inhabitants, and 
in connection with his son in law, Baron de Castine, took part in the attack 
upon Casco. In 1691, he, with other chiefs, made a treaty with the English. 
In 1692, he planned the expedition against York, and succeeded beyond his ex- 
pectations. The whole town was laid in ashes, except three or four garrison 
houses; seventy-five were killed and eighty-five captured. He also was in the 
attack upon Wells, in 1692, under Portneuf, where the French and Indians 
were repulsed. August 11, 1693, he, with eleven other chiefs, made a treaty 
with Sir William Phipps, at Pemaquid. The inhabitants of Black Point gave 
yearly a peck of corn, each, to Madockawando, as an acknowledgement that he 
was Sachem of Penobscot. Very little more is recorded of the career of this 
powerful Sachem. He was probably not present at the capture of Pemaquid 
Fort in i6q6, by DTberville, although a large force of the Penobscot tribe, with 
Baron de Castine, were there. He died in 169S, and was succeeded by Wena- 
mont, or sometimes called Wenoggonet. This life of Madockawando is mainly 
taken from Drake's Indians (Book III, pp. 103-109, 120). 

' Fort Halifax was built by the Plymouth Company in 1754. For an account 
of the same see Me. His. Soc. Coll., VII, 167-198; VIII, 201-289. 

* Portneuf was a lieutenant in an expedition against the Seneca Indians in 
1687, and was promoted. Pie was in command at the taking of Casco, and led 
a large force of French and Indians against Wells in 1692. 

^ Sieur de Courtemanche was the cousin of Portneuf, the leader of the expe- 
dition. After his return to Canada he was employed in various expeditions 
against the western Indians, and received honors from the Canadian govern- 
ment. He was sent as a special envoy to Boston in 1706; was taken sick and 
returned to Quebec in an English vessel. 



64 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

Madockawando and Moxus ' of the Penobscot tribe ; Hopegood (a 
murderous savage), a celebrated chief of the Norridgewock tribe ; 
also Robin Doney,^ a treacherous half-breed ; Hignon,3 and some 
inferior chieftains. The gathering of this array of forces was in 
the early part of May, and was ominous of the dark cloud that 
was soon to burst upon poor doomed Casco. 

I would here state that the sources of information which I have 
examined respecting the expeditions fitted out in Canada, and the 
attacks upon Casco, are quite voluminous. Both the French ac- 
counts taken from the archives at Paris, and the English reports 
in the main agree as to the origin of this attack, and its results. 
The French dates are some eight days later than the English, 
which is caused by the French using the Gregorian calendar, and 
the English adhering to the old style. 

While these preparations were being made by its enemies for 
the attack upon Fort Loyall and Casco, what were its inhabitants 
and the government of Massachusetts doing for its defense ? 
Nothing ! After having disposed of Sir Edmund Andros by send- 
ing him to England for trial, they became aware that the enemy 
were menacing the frontier eastern settlements. They had heard 
of the attacks of the savages upon Schenectady and Salmon 

' Moxus, or Agamagus, was a Tarratine, and one of the most valiant and 
puissant sachems of the east, and was active in the hostilities against the 
English. He was in the attack upon Wells, in 1692. After the death of 
Madockawando, he became his successor, and made a treaty with the English 
in 1699. He concluded another treaty with Gov. Dudley, at the fort in New 
Casco, in 1702, but in 1703, he, with other Indians and French, made an at- 
tack upon the fort there. He was at Falmouth in 1713, to make a treaty with 
the English, and at Georgetown, for the same purpose, in 1717. This is the 
last that we hear of him. (Drake's Indians, III, 107, no, 124, 139). 

^ Robin Doney was a half-breed, the son of a Frenchman who had taken up 
his abode among the Indians. He exercised great cruelty towards the prisoners 
who were taken at Casco. His wife having been killed by Church in 1689, 
made him revengeful and merciless. In 1693 he became reconciled to the Eng- 
lish, and signed a treaty with them at Pemaquid. A year after he was seized at 
Saco with three others. There is no record as to what became of him. 

^Hignon. There were several Indian chiefs (Drake's Indians, iii. 123, 124), 
of that name. One of them, Ned Higgon, signed a treaty with the English in 
1685. He was one of the Indians taken by Capt. Sargent at Saco, and sent to 
Fort Loyall in 1688, and afterward released by Andros. He was at the capture 
of Fort Loyall. One of the name was killed at the Brackett farm in 1694, as 
related by Willis, p. 288. (Drake's Indians, iii. 114, 118, 124, 126). 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 65 

Falls, and they thought it necessary that something should be 
done. Therefore, under the command of Sir William Phipps, a 
naval and land force was organized to strike a blow at the French 
and Indians who were threatening Casco, by sailing up the Bay of 
Fundy to batter down a fort or so, and capture Port Royal.' 

Capt. Willard at that time was in command of Fort Loyall, with 
a force of one hundred men, placed there the winter before by 
Maj. Frost, who was in command of the forces in Maine. If they 
had remained, Fort Loyall would not have been taken. Notwith- 
standing this, Sir Wm. PhijDps^ sailed with his fleet from Boston 
for the conquest of Nova Scotia, April 28, 1690.3 One account 
says that he came into the harbor here and took away from 
Fort Loyall Captain Willard and nearly all his men, and sailed 
away to achieve glory in far distant fields, leaving the defence of 
Fort Loyall and Casco to its brave inhabitants. French writers 
say this was done witliin a few hours previous to the attack upon 
the Fort, others say within a few days, but according to the letters 
from Captain Willard and- Captain Davis, Captain Willard and 
some of his soldiers left for Boston. It is immaterial how and 
when they left. They were withdrawn by order of the Massa- 



• Port Royal, now called Annapolis, is situated at the head of the Bay of 
Fundy. It was the first European settlement in this part of North America, 
being settled in 1604. The country was then named Acadia. It was cap- 
tured by Massachusetts, under Sir Wm. Phipps, in 1690, and re-captured by 
the French, in 1691. It was finally captured by the English in 1710, and called 
Annapolis, in honor of Queen Anne. 

^Sir Wm. Phipps was born in Woolwich, Me., Feb. 2, 1651. He was a ship- 
carpenter, moved to Boston in 1673, where he learned to read and write. He 
recovered a large amount of treasure from a Spanish wreck near the liahamas, 
of which ;^ 1 6,000 was given him as his share, and he was knighted. In 1690 he 
commanded the fleet which captured Port Royal in Nova Scotia, and in October 
of that year the larger one which failed in the attack u]ion Quebec. Under the 
new charter he was appointed governor in 1692. In 1694 he was summoned to 
England to answer complaints against him. He died in London, P"eb. 18, 1695. 
See his life in Sparks' Amer. Biog. (Amer. Cyclopedia, XIII, 449). 

^The statements as regards Capt. Willard being withdrawn a few days before 
the attack upon Fort Loyall are conflicting. Willis says, p. 281, " Capt. Willard, 
an experienced officer from Salem, was ordered in February to i)ursue the enemy 
to headquarters." Mather says (see page 66, post), that Willard was called off 
a day or two previous to the attack. French writers say this was done with- 
in a few hours or a few days. All these accounts are erroneous, according 
to the letter written by 'Jajjt. Willard (page 66, post). 



66 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

chusetts government, and this piece of stupidity on the part of ' 
Massachusetts cost Casco the lives of its brave defenders and : 
its inhabitants. j 

Williamson, I, 620, says, "that when news was heard of the ^ 
approach of the enemy towards Fort Loyall, that President Dan- , 
forth ordered Major Frost to detach without delay one hundred . 
men from the Provincial militia, to be joined by a party from the ' 
garrison, all of whom under Capt. Willard were directed to proceed 
in the search and pursuit of the enemy." (This was said to have . 
been done May 10). This order from Maj. Frost referred to was 
given Feb. 17, 1689 ; see page 55, ante ; and Mather (Magnalia, 2, \ 
602), says : " It was a misfortune to Casco, though not to Willard, | 
that so promising an officer should be called off two or three days j 
before the attack." If this had not been done Casco would have | 
been saved ; but I find no evidence of these statements. The fol- ' 
lowing letter from Capt. Willard is not very creditable to him, and , 
shows cowardice on his part. Capt. Davis was ready to stay and 
meet the foe. Capt. Willard was anxious to leave, and made a 
flimsy excuse for that purpose, and he did so, and some of his 
company followed him, and Capt. Davis and his brave comrades ; 
were left to their fate : j 

! 

"Falmouth, May 9, 1690. | 
Att a meeting of our company having y^ advice of ye cheife men of y« place, 1 
ye most of them that are there, wee having looked long for Maj"" ffrost but he is 1 
not yet come to order & settle our Garrisons y^ private intelligence from Boston ; 
having much Disturbed our Souldiers & we being in something of a distressed ; 
condition, it has been concluded that Capt. Davis or myselfe should be sent to ■ 
Boston to ye Honorable Council & Capt. Silvanus Davis being unwilling to goe ' 
thither myself it being thus presented to as before s*! while I goe to Boston to 
y"^ Honi<^ Councill I leave ye Garrisons in other places under ye command of 
their formor particular Commanders & att ffalmouth Sergt. Rich. Hicks is to j 
be over ye Garrison at Ingersols & he is also to command in exercising the j 
company & scouting as occasion serves. Joseph Hoit is to take command of ; 
Mr. Robt. Lawrences Garison always advising with Sergt. Hicks as occasion , 
may be, not changeing of Souldiers without the consenting of both officers | 
concerned. Nathl. White Sergant to be ye commander of ye halfe moon gar- ■ 
rison, all of them as occasion serves advising with Capt. Silvanus Davis Capt. ! 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 67 

of ye ffort, all of these sergts. are so take dilligent heed of the maijntaining a 
careful watch by day & night & not to have less than 16 or 18 hands lodging in 
each of ye outside Garisons in ye night time, these things to be observed untill 
I come again hither or until a discharge comes to our company from ye Coun- 
cill. The company also engaging not to be mutinous nor to draw off their Part 
or charge, except absolute want of victuals force them to it until I come again 
hither or until orders come to draw them off which I hope will not be much 
above three weeks after my departure or sooner if may be. I do engage to do 
my best endeavour to get a discharge for my company or if that fails to come 
again myselfe hither within the time mentioned. 

Simon Willard. 
(Vol. ^6, page 55, Mass. Archives). 

The following is a letter from Capt. Sylvanus Davis to the gov- 
ernment of Massachusetts, under date of May 12, 1690, five days 
before the attack commenced upon Fort Loyall. Capt. Davis was 
not an educated man, and some of his writing is hardly legible, 
but we get from him a clear statement of the state of affairs then 
existing, and the patriotism of Captain Davis and his brave 
associates is clearly exhibited : 

To THE Honorable Governor and 
Council in Boston. 
Honorable Gentlemen, 

I am Greeved at this time that I have causes to p^'sent your 
honors with these lines ; it is not to complane of any particular person, but as 
duty obleeges me to acquaint you with the conditions of this poore town, that 
after the Grate and charge you have bin at for our defense, both with men and 
other nesserys in a large method and all soe such rules that you were pleased 
to order to bee taken to keep those of our inhabitants what was then remaining 
amongst us & that they should bee sufred to draw of and Leave us, for sence 
your Honors Last order came by Lt. Thaddeus Clark, there are gone of nearly 
20 men. Soe that wee have harly 8 men in our town but what are listed or Im- 
pressed Souldjers which needed not have bin, if thoes that did pretend to bee 
in absolute power would have bin Industrious in what they did intend to but for 
want of dexterity and diligence, our people are gone and the Town is broken 
up and the Lives & ffortunes of thoes that haue bin & are willing to stay & to 
venture thair all for the defence of their majesties Interest Leyes at Stake. 
Capt. Willard is resailed for Boston he says it is with the consent of the chiefes 
(selectmen) of the Town. I know of none of the inhabitants y« concent to y' 



68 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

except his own Soudjers & thoes of our inhabitants that are listed into his 
company. Hoping that they may draw of After him this is not only my Judg- 
ment — but the chiefe (selectman) of our small number of Inhabitants are of the 
same oppinion, & I doe really believe if there bee not some speedy corse Taken 
here will be only left thoes few in the fort with mee and 3 or 4 of the inhabitants 
that are not listed and wee -will hassard our lives upon the place rathei" than 
Drawe of without orders naither have wee any desire to be drawed off, but 
humbly crave your Honorable assistance for the keeping of this part of the 
province, & all thoue our Inhabitants bee gone that may bee, as many of them 
soone Brotght to gether that may be sent in the room of the Souldjers that bee 
here. Now i am on willing to Truble yer Honors with complaints, i wish wee 
had noe needs, i am shure if wee had Discharged our Dutys in our plasses ac- 
cording to that Trust wee have taken upon us and the powers wee have pre- 
tended vnto without helps & men we might have done more for God and there 
majestys interests & the Good of the Country, myselfe & others have often 
promoted & proffesed that a party of our men should be scouting abroad some- 
time by land, soome time by water to Indevor to discover the Hants of the 
Enemy, but we have bin still honored by suggestions, what if a body of Indians 
should come upon the Town the while & such like it is a pleasant thing for 
Souldjers to lay still in Garrison, offered probitions & waste admonition on 
Grate show but the Souldjers are not to be blamed if the commander will let it 
bee soe. what i write it is Greefe of harte to Think that the Bowells of the 
Country as spun out for us and wee neglect our duty, y* i hope in Convenient 
time to make it appear that if i had not been hono. 

This day two men going over the water to plant, one was kild, the other was 
carried away, the surcumstances Capt. Willard can fully inform you. I Haue 
Gaue Maj"' Phillips ' an account of our wants being seled up in a letter to him 
i Did not intend to have Trobbled y'' with many Lines but I am Greeved to see 
our poore nabors Destroyed and soe Littel care Taken amongst our folks to 
Indiver the discovery of the enemy I humbly crave y"" pardon for any thing I 
have said in my wrighting baging in the behalfe of the small number of 
Inhabitants that wish y" contenuing with us that you would consider our con- 
dition and that if it may Stand with your ffavor, our Town may not bee 
desarted. praying always to God for his Grassious presence to be in the midst 
of your Councills and Blessyd Gobernment. Desiring your prayers for us I 
subscribe my selfe y- Honors most Humble Servant. 

SiLVANUS Davis." 
May y<= 12'^, 1690. 

(Vol. 35, Mass. Archives). 

'This was probably Maj. Wm. Phillips of Saco, from whom assistance had 
been asked. 



DJESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 69 

This urgent appeal from Capt. Davis met with no response from 
the Massachusetts Government, and the inhabitants of this 
"poor town" were left to their own resources to defend them- 
selves against four or five hundred French and Indians, who were 
then hovering upon their borders. 

The forces which were to be arrayed against Falmouth, came into 
Casco Bay, from the Kennebec, by the way of the New Meadows 
river.' It was but a short carry for them to transport their canoes 
across the neck of land which separates the two waters. No white 
settlements were on their track, as the whole country was deserted 
by the inhabitants, who had retired to the protection of Fort 
Loyall. 

After reaching Casco Bay, they made their rendezvous on some 
of the Islands.^ They were discovered by some of the whites, as 
their fleet of canoes passed over its waters. But from their ap- 
pearance, it was not supposed that they would molest Casco ; and 
the inhabitants felt more confidence in their security. Meanwhile 
the Indian scouts were ascertaining the situation of affairs. In 
the darkness of the night, they roamed the forests, and in their 
canoes, paddled the waters ^ about Fort Loyall, to ascertain its 
strength, and how it could be captured. Its shadowy walls and 
frowning cannon were a terror and menace to them. They re- 
membered their defeat by the valiant men of Casco, at the Brack- 
ett farm, the fall before, which made them cautious and wary. 
Portneuf's commission directed him to lay waste the English 
settlements, and not to attempt fortified places.'* But they knew 
quite well the number of the English forces left after the departure 



' New Meadows river rises in Bath, about a half mile from Merry Meeting 
Bay. It was formerly called Stevens' river. The narrow neck of land between 
was called Stevens' carrying place. (History of Brunswick etc.) 

^ The Islands in Casco Bay were the favorite resorts of the Indians. The 
clam shell heaps, now found on them, show an extensive occupation of them by 
the aborigines. 

^ " Our people lay on the nights of the 26 and 27th, on the ocean within fifty 
feet of the fort." See French account (p. 76, post). 

* Not to attack fortified places. See Ibid. 



70 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

of Capt. Willard, and they also knew that their force was much 
larger than that of the English. 

Some of the Indian scouts, who were reconnoitering on Pre- 
sumpscot bay, near the falls, killed and scalped a Scotchman, by 
the name of Robert Greason.' His family fled in terror to the 
protection of Casco, some four miles distant, and that was the 
first notice the whites had of the expected attack. The alarm cry 
was sounded. The few soldiers and men of the town gathered at 
the fort and garrison houses with promptness, and full of courage, 
ready to defend their homes against the savage foes. They did 
not wait long, for the Indians finding that they were discovered, by 
the alarms sounded, made preparations for a speedy attack. Amid 
the darkness of the night of the fifteenth of May, they moved their 
forces from the islands to that part of Munjoy hill, which at this 
day bears the name of " Indian Cove," ^ near the G. T. R. bridge, 
Munjoy hill was then covered with a forest growth, except a por- 
tion of it near the present observatory, which was open pasture 
land, where grazed the cattle belonging to the town. At Indian 
Cove, the Indians were hid from observation, and in the morning 
a detachment of them proceeded to the top of Munjoy hill, and 
concealed themselves in the low woods and underbrush, to the 
north of now Congress street, waiting for the opportunity to begin 
the attack. They did not wait long; they were discovered by 
some of the soldiers at the Lawrence garrison house, which was 
communicated to Capt. Davis and the forces at Fort Loyall. The 
brave officers resolved upon a sortie, and an attempt to dislodge 
and drive away this (as it was supposed), small party of Indians. 
Toward noon a party of young men, full of zeal and courage, 
under the command of Lieut. Thaddeus Clark,^ left the fort. 



' He was a Scotchman and lived on the east side of the Presumpscot, near 
the falls. (Willis, p. 282). 

^ See plan. 

3 As regards the destruction of Thaddeus Clark and party in a note to Char- 
levoix's account, III, Shea Ed., 133-136. It is said, De la Potherie, History de 
I'Amerique, Sept. Ill, p. 69. say thirty, and this is confirmed by Davis' declara- 
tion, and by Williamson History Maine, I, 620, who say they were commanded 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 7 1 

marched up Broad (now India), and through Queen (now Con- 
gress), to the foot of Munjoy hill. Not a drum was heard or a 
musical sound, as they marched bravely and compactly to meet 
the hidden foe ; with the valor of Englishmen they went up to 
Munjoy hill to what they knew would be certain death to many of 
them. From the foot of the hill a narrow lane, fenced in on both 
sides, extended up to the Lawrence house, occupying nearly the 
present lines of Congress street. The Indians were hid behind 
the fences, and in the woods. The force of Lieut. Clark marched 
up this lane, but made no discovery until within a short distance 
of the place of ambush. "They were fired upon, and before they 
could defend themselves, were fallen upon by the French and 
Indians, with their swords and tomahawks with so great slaughter 
that but few escaped, and they badly wounded." The foregoing is 
one account of the affair. I now give Mather's account of this 
encounter : ' 

" Lieut. Clark with near thirty of the stoutest young men, ventured out as far 
as the top of an hill in the entrance to the wood, half a mile distant from the 
town. The outlet from the town to the wood was then a lane, which had a 
certain block-house (Lawrence House), at one end of it ; and the English were 
suspicious when they came to enter the lane that the Indians were lying behind 
the fence ; because the cattle stood staring that way, and would not pass into 
the wood as they used to. This mettlesome company then ran up to the fence 
with an huzza! thinking thereby to discourage the enemy if they should be 
lurking there ; but the enemy were so well prepared for them that they answered 
them with an horrible vengeance that they killed the lieutenant with thirteen 
more on the spot, and the rest escaped with much ado into one of the garri- 
sons " (Lawrence House). 

The French account taken from the Paris Documents,^' is the 
following, viz. : 

" At noon thirty men issued from the principal fort, and came to the spot 

by Lieut. Thaddeus Clark. De la Potherie History de I'Amerique, Sept. Ill, 
p. 79, and Williamson, I, p. 620, say thirteen men fell at the first fire, but in a 
note on p. 662, he brings the same matter in again as a massacre after the sur- 
render. Gov. Bradstreet in a letter to Leisler, May 30, 1690, O. S., makes the 
party sallying out twenty-six. O'Callaghan's Doc. Hist., II, p. 146. 

' Magnalia, ii, 60-?, 604. 

^N. Y. Col. Doc, IX, 472. 



72 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

where our people lay, who having discharged their guns at ten paces distant, 
rushed on them sword and hatchet in hand, and pursued them so hotly that only 
five of them, all of whom were wounded, entered the fort again. As our men 
followed hot foot they were exposed to the fire of one of the forts, in the prox- 
imity of which they happened to find themselves. One Frenchman received a 
wound in the thigh, and an Indian was killed. At night the principal fort was 
summoned to surrender, but an answer was returned ' that they should dcfeitd 
themselves to the death.'' " 

Thus was the commencement of that struggle which lasted four 
days and nights, and which so resounded to the honor and glory 
of our ancestors and forefathers. 

After this disheartening event, the destruction of Clark and his 
party, the few who were left retreated to the protection of the 
Lawrence garrison house. This was a wooden block house in its 
upper story, with a stone foundation. The inmates defended 
themselves during the day, and at night the Indians withdrew. 
The defenders knew that the attack would be renewed in the 
morning, with an increased force of the enemy, and they being 
short of ammunition, withdrew, as did the occupants of the other 
garrison houses in the town, during the siege to the prolection of 
Fort Loyall. Before leaving the Lawrence garrison, they fired a 
slow match leading to a quantity of powder in a cask, hoping that 
after they had left, and the enemy entered, an explosion might . 
take place, which would destroy their assailants. But the first 
Indian who entered, in the gray of the morning, spied the burning 
match and extinguished it. 

During the night of the i6th of May, all the forces from the 
garrison houses were withdrawn into Fort Loyall, and also all the 
inhabitants, young and old, the weak and the strong, the mother 
and her infant children ; to the number of two hundred or 
more, found a hoped for refuge and place of safety, within the 
wooden walls of this protected fort. The fighting force was not 
above seventy men. The brave Lieut. Clark was no more. Capt. 
Davis, Lieuts. Lawrence, Brackett,' and others, encouraged and 

* See Anthony Brackett (p. 8i, post). 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 73 

cheered the small band of heroes. It was a time of dread sus- 
pense. No hope or expectation of assistance from any quarter 
could be had. Capt. Willard and his soldiers had, by the weak- 
ness of the Massachusetts government, been taken away, and they 
had but their own strong hands and their hope in the Almighty 
God to defend them against the savage attack to be made in a 
few hours. Who can doubt that from the well known religious 
character of Capt. Davis and his companions, that in the silent 
watches of the night, preceeding the day of the battle, that the 
prayers of these brave men ascended to the God of battles for 
his support in this hour of their despair. 

They hoped, that by the aid of their cannon, they might be able 
to repulse and drive away the enemy, — if a breach was made, so 
that their foes could enter, there would be no hope for them, that 
they would be destroyed by overpowering numbers. 

On the next morning, the i6th, the enemy commenced the attack; 
with flaming torches, setting on fire the deserted houses in the 
immediate vicinity of Fort Loyall, and the skies were illumined 
by the conflagration. The houses on Broad (India street), Thames 
and Fore streets, were soon in flames. The horrors of the situa- 
tion can be imagined at this time ; the distress and anguish of 
those in the fort, as they witnessed the destruction of their homes 
can be conceived. But in this dark hour of despair did our 
fathers show any lack of courage or want of bravery ? No ! When 
the fort was surrounded by the bands of French and savage In- 
dians, who, amid their terrifiic yells and savage war-whoops, de- 
manded its immediate surrender, according to French accounts, 
the reply of the commander of the fort was, " That they should 
defend themselves to the death /^ Nobly they did it ; and nobly they 
died. The first day of the siege passed with no definite results, 
the enemy having gained no advantages. The besieged watched 
every exposed situation, and whenever a gathering of the besieg- 
ers was made, the cannon of the fort sent death and destruction 
among them. The next day, May 17th, the French leaders be- 

•N. Y. Col. Man., IX, 472. 



74 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

came satisfied, that, notwithstanding their larger force that they 
had, they could not capture the fort. Having no cannon to make 
a breach in its walls, they could only with their guns pick oif those 
of its defenders who exposed themselves. The cannon of the 
fort prevented any attempt being made to take it by storm. It 
was at length determined to make a breach under the bank to its 
foundation. In the deserted garrisons they found tools suitable for 
the purpose, and they began a mine within fifty feet of the fort, 
under a steep bank, which entirely protected them from its guns.' 
At what part of the fort this trench or mine was dug is at this day 
a matter of conjecture only. My impression, from a knowledge 
of its location, before the changes that have since been made 
there, are that the trench was dug from the India street side, in 
an easterly direction ; as the rock formation on the other side of 
the fort would prevent any such work. 

During these days of siege the red-crossed banner of England 
floated over the Fort. On both sides the firing was sharp and 
heavy. The roar of the cannon echoing in the surrounding forests, 
the reports of musketry, the flaming houses of the inhabitants, the 
war-whoops and yells of the savages outside the palisades, the 
cries and fears of women and children inside the Fort who saw 
their husbands and fathers fall before the bullets of the French, 
or brought in wounded to die in the arms of their loved o^es, 
were scenes of terror that can hardly be described or imagined. 

The defenders of the fort were but a small and feeble band ; 
but they firmly stood, repelling the assaults of the foe. Whenever 
a Frenchman or Indian exposed themselves a musket bullet found 
its way to them. The English wasted much ammunition in their 
vain efforts to dislodge their besiegers, who, in undermining the 
fort, were in such a situation that they were protected from its 
cannon. Capt. Davis encouraged his men to renewed exertions, 
knowing well that if the fort surrendered to the Indians no quarter 
could be expected, and they preferred to meet their deaths defend- 

' N. Y. Col. Man., IX, 472. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 75 

ing themselves and families on the walls of the fort, than trust 
themselves to the mercies of their savage foes. 

It was found that the mine commenced by the enemy under the 
walls of the fort was proving a success, that in a day or two the 
results expected would be accomplished, and a further defense of 
the fort would be useless. The last day of the siege was May 
2 0th, of which the anniversary was yesterday. Another terror 
was added to the horrors that surrounded this brave band. At 
different times during the siege attempts had been made to set 
fire to the fort and the buildings therein enclosed ; flaming arrows 
and combustibles had been fired by the Indians, but they had 
been unsuccessful. The flames they kindled had been extin- 
guished. But on the last day of the siege a machine ' (as the 
French termed it), had been obtained which was probably an ox- 
cart, which was filled with combustible materials, including a bar- 
rel of tar (birch bark^). This cart was pushed up the trench that 
had been made, close up to the walls of the fort. Those who 
were pushing it up were protected by the cart from the fire of 
those in the fort. The flames soon began to crackle and take 
hold of the logs of which the palisades were constructed. The 
inmates of the fort then knew that they were doomed, that no 
choice was left to them but to surrender or be destroyed in the 
flames. Up to that time the English did not appear to know that 
there were any French among their assailants, supposing from the 
equipment and dress that they were all Indians. Some order 
given by the French leader in French accent reaches the ear of 
Capt. Davis, which gave him a ray of hope. If there were any 
whites among their foes would they not respect the rights of war 
and humanity, and protect them if they surrendered from their 
savage associates ? Up went the white flag of surrender ! I here 
give Capt. Davis' account of what was done : 

" We then demanded," he says, "if there were any French among them, and 

' Probably a large ox-cart. 

2 Bradstreet to Leisler mentions the use of birch bark to fire the place. (N. 
Y. Doc. His., II, 146). 



76 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

if they would give us quarter ? The response came back from the leader in 
command that there were Frenchmen, and would give us good quarter. Upon 1. 
that we sent out to them again to know from vvhence they came, and if they j 
would give us good quarter, both for our men, women and children, both { 
wounded and sound, and that we should have liberty to march to the next Eng- : 
lish town, and have a guard for our defence and safety unto the next English ] 
town, — then we would surrender, — and also that the Governor of the French i 
should hold up his hand and swear by the great and everlasting God, that the 
several articles should be performed. All of which he did solemnly swear to 
perform, but as soon as they had us in their custody, they broke their articles, 
suffered our women and children and our men to be made captives in the hands , 
of the heathen ; to be cruelly murdered and destroyed, many of them, especially 
the wounded men ; only the French kept myself and 3 or 4 more, and carried j 
us over land to Canada." 

The French account of the capture, taken from the French 
Archives,' is as follows : 

" The Count was not to attack any fort for fear of losing too many people, , 
but to attend exclusively to laying waste the country. This order could not , 
be executed, all the surrounding places having been abandoned in consequence ! 
of notice of the approach of this party having been given by a soldier, who had | 
been with M. Hertel, and had been taken prisoner by the English. Under I 
these circumstances it was unanimously resolved to attack the large fort in 
force, as it was impossible to capture it otherwise. The entire of the enemy ; 
had withdrawn into it ; and had abandoned the four smaller ones. Our people . ' 
lay during the nights of the 26th and 27th (May) on the ocean, within fifty paces ] 
of the fort, under cover of a very bold bluff, whence they had no fear of the 
enemy's continued cannonadings and heavy fire of musquetry. On the night | 
of the 28th, the trench (traverseef was opened. Our Canadians and Indians j 
had not much experience in that mode of besieging places. They did not fail . 
to work vigorously, and by good fortune found in the forts that had been aban- 
doned, some implements wherewith to remove the earth. This work advanced j 
with such rapidity that the enemy demanded a parley. In the course of the ; 
night of the 28th, they were required to surrender their fort, stores and garri- 1 
son. They asked on their side for six days to consider their proposals. They 
were allowed only the night to make up their minds, and the work continued. ' 
Their fire redoubled the next morning. They then threw a quantity of grenades , 
without much effect. On arriving by trenches at the palisades, preparations 
were made to set those on fire by means of a barrel of tar, that had also been ', 

'N. Y. Col. Doc, IX, 471, 472. i 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 77 

discovered, and some combustibles. Seeing this machine approaching very 
near them, and not being able to prevent it, those who pushed it along being 
sheltered in the trench, they hoisted a while flag in order to capitulate. Their 
commander surrendered himself shortly after to Sieur de Portneuf, and the 
entire garrison, and those of the fort marched out to the number of 70 men, ex- 
clusive of women and children. They were all conducted to the camp. A mo- 
ment after four vessels crowded with people made their appearance, but seeing 
no English flag flying, they retired.' (This statement I do not find authenti- 
cated from any other source.) The fort was fired, the guns spiked, the stores 
burnt, and all the inmates made prisoners. The Indians retained a majority of 
them. Capt. Davis, the commander, and two daughters of his lieutenant who 
had been killed (Thaddcus Clark), were brought hither (Quebec) with some 
others. Our people decamped on the first of June, after having set fire to all 
the hou.ses they found within a circle of two leagues, all of which were unoccu- 
pied. They arrived here (Quebec) on the 23d of the same month, St. John's 
eve. One Frenchman had his arm broken by a cannon ball, and an Indian re- 
ceived a wound in the thigh." 

This French account from which I have quoted, is an extract 
of a letter from M, de Monseignat,- to the celebrated M. de. 
Maintenon,3 giving an account of the most remarkable occur- 
rences in Canada, from November, 1689 to November, 1690. 

Both of these accounts agree as to the terms of surrender 
granted by the leader of the French, Sieur de Portneuf, to the 
brave garrison, and they also agree that the treaty was barbarously 



* These vessels were undoubtedly the shallop and other boats which came 
from Piscataqua river, of which mention is made (post). 

-M. de Monseignat was Comptroller General of the marine and fortifications 
of New France. He was a protege of the celebrated M. de Maintcnon, and 
was the Secretary of Governor Frontenac. (N. Y. Col. Doc, IX, 491, 663). 

^ Maintenon Francoise d' Aubigne, Marchionesse de, second wife of Louis 
XIV, of France, was born Nov. 17, 1635, and died April 15, 1719. She, at the 
age of si.xteen years, married the deformed poet, Scarron. She was at that 
time extremely graceful and witty. Her husband died in October, 1660. She 
received from Louis a j^ension of 2,000 francs a year, and in 1669 he made her 
governess of his children. She was made a Marchionesse under the name of 
Maintcnon. The Queen was much attached to her, and died in her arms, 
July 30, 1683. Some time after, Louis XIV, who had vainly solicited her to 
become his mistress, was secretly married to her. From that time to his death, 
the King was greatly under her influence, though she exercised her power with 
prudence and judgment. After the death of the King, she retired to the Con- 
vent of St. Cvr, where she si)ent the rest of her life in acts of charity and de- 
votional exercises. (Amer. Cyclopedia, XI, 39, 40). 



78 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

and grossly violated. The French account slurs over the mas- 
sacre, by saying that " the Indians retained the majority of t/iem,''^ 
the prisoners, which is, that they being given by the French into 
the hands of the Indians were cruelly murdered. The notorious 
Indian chief, Hopegood, is said to have been one of the principal 
actors in the bloody scene.' At least two hundred persons, men, 
women and children, surrendered. Not more than ten or twelve 
of them had their lives spared. This savage massacre must al- 
ways stand as a foul blot upon the reputation of the French of- ] 
ficers who commanded at this siege. To the honor of Frontenac, ^ 
the Governor of Canada, it may be said that when the expedition ! 
returned to Canada, and a report was made to him of the murder j 
of the prisoners, he was very angry with Portneuf, and denounced j 
his cruelty, and took all the means in his power to obtain from i 
the Indians the captives they had brought to Canada. | 
An attempt has been made to place the barbarity of the French 1 
and Indians upon Baron de Castine as being the leader of the 
forces. And here Williamson in his history of Maine implicates . 
St. Castine in an act of the grossest perfidy. He says : "That by 1 
the articles of capitulation it was stipulated that all within the j 
garrison should receive kind treatment, and be allowed to go to | 
the nearest provincial towns under the protection of a guard ; to . ! 
the faith and observance of which Castine lifted his hand and ; 
swore by the everlasting God. The gates were then opened, when ; 
a scene ensued which shocks humanity. The prisoners who were 
seventy in number, besides women and children, were called j 
heretics, rebels and traitors, the dupes of a Dutch usurper, and 1 
treated with every insult and abuse." It does not appear upon j 
what authority this statement relative to Castine is made. It can- \ 
not be correct. Capt. Davis who is the English authority in regard ' 
to the surrender, says, " it was the governor of the French who | 
held up his hand," &c. Baron de Castine was neither the gover- ' 

* Hopegood. Not long after this, Hopegood ended his cruel career, by being i 

slain in Canada by some Indians who took him for an Iroquois. He had once | 

been a captive, and served a time in Boston as a slave. (Drake's Indians, III, 1 

118). ; 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 79 

nor or the commander of the French. Portneuf was the governor. 
But Charlevoix, who is one of the French authorities, says : "Port- 
neuf told the governor (of the fort) that he must expect no con- 
ditions as a prisoner of war with all his garrison." ' 

There is no evidence that Castine was the leader in this attack. 
His former reputation of kind treatment to prisoners would seem 
to preclude the idea that his influence was on the side of cruelty 
to those defenceless persons. 

Another account (History of Acadia, Hannay, p. 230), says : 
"This expedition differed from the others by reason of the fact 
that the English were not surprised, but the overwhelming number 
of the enemy made the result the same." The same author says 
that some of the Indians who attacked Casco were from the St. 
John. 

Charlevoix, Shea Ed., 4, 133, says " Casco Bay (Kaskebe), was 
a town on the sea-coast, with a very well built fort. It had eight 
pieces of artillery mounted, and lacked neither ammunition or 
provisions." A note to this says: "The place called by the 
French ' Kaskebe,' their mode of writing Casco Bay, which they 
took for the name of the town, was Falmouth, now Portland, 
Maine. The fort was Fort Loyal. It stood at the foot of King 
street," Me. His. Coll., I, p. 203; N. Y. Col. Doc, IX, 472 ; 
Willis Portland, p. 284. 

Thus was Fort Loyall captured and destroyed. Thus was the 
infant settlement of Falmouth swept out of existence. Thus were 
its brave defenders cruelly murdered. It was the Government of 
Massachusetts, who were criminally responsible for this severe 
disaster to the rising settlements of Maine. They closed their 
ears against the piteous appeals for assistance that came from 
those whom they should have protected, and left them to die on 
their own hearth stones, defending their homes, their families and 
their honor. 

Massachusetts was for some two years even unmindful of the 
rights of sepulture, which these poor victims were entitled to, 

'Maine His, Soc. Coll., VII, 60. 



8o CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

Her ships were passing to and from Nova Scotia and Canada, 
returning with the victors of Annapolis, and the defeated forces 
who had made the attempt on Quebec. But the bones of the de- 
fenders of Casco lay through the bleaching suns and winter's 
snows until 1692, when on one of Church's expeditions from Bos- 
ton to Pemaquid to build a fort there. Sir William Phipps accom- 
panied them. In the narrative of the expedition it is said: 

" Coming to Boston his Excellency having got all things in readiness, embark- 
ed on boartl their transports, his Excellency going in person with them bound 
to Pemaquid. But in that way they stopped at Casco, and buried the bones of 
the dead people there, and took off the great guns that were there, then went to 
Pemaquid." A note says : " That is the bones of those who had been destroyed 
there by the savages under the Sieur liartel, 17"* May, 1690."' 

Probably these remains were placed in one grave, of which no 
record exists. It is hoped that the Eastern Cemetery, the ancient 
city of our dead, which at that time was the common burial 
ground, was the recipient of the bones of those whose place of 
sepulchre is unknown, to whom our gratitude and reverence are 
due. 

The names of but few of those who died on those days are 
known. A few names have come down to us from the past. The 
Lieut. Thaddeus Clark,^ whose descendants are with us. John 

' Churcli expeditions, 2 — . 

^Thaddeus Clark came from Ireland. He married Elizabeth, the second 
daughter of Michael Mitton. Although a man of standing and enterprise, he 
hada limited education, his signature to instruments was made by a mark. 
He had granted him by his wife's mother, Elizabeth Mitton, one hundred acres 
of land at Clark's point, now where the Gas Works are located. He built a 
house on the bank, between the present Tyng and State streets. His elder 
daughter married Capt. Edward Tyng, whose desendants in the female line are 
now" residents of our city. Another daughter married a Harvey; was a widow 
in l^oston in 1719. His son, Isaac, was living in Framingham in 1718. His 
widow, and granddaughter of George Cleeve, died in Boston, 1736, aged 92 
years (Willis, pp. 139, 292), which would make her eighteen years of age at the 
time of her marriage. Thaddeus Clark was a military man of experience ; and 
at the time of the attack upon Casco, was in his matured years. He certainly 
showed great bravery on that occasion, by leading, as it may be termed, a 
" forlorn hope " to attack the savages in their ambush on Munjoy Hill. His 
two daughters were carried away captives, but were returned. Mr. Willis' 
statement respecting his education must have been a mistake, for a letter of his 
in existence, describing the Indian attack on Casco, 1676, shows a great degree 
of intelligence, unusual at that time. (N. E. His. & Gen. Reg., 31, 2S9). 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 8 1 

Parker and his son James.' They were the ancestors of the late 
distinguished jurist, Isaac Parker, of Mass. Thomas Cloice,^ 

Seth Brackett,^ son of Anthony. From Danvers were Alsop 

and Edward Crocker, and George Bogwell ; a soldier from Lynn 
was named Joseph Ramsdell. Lieut. Lawrence, one of Casco's 
active men, was mortally wounded. But of the great majority of 
them their names will never be known except on the roll of the 
Archangel, when " his trump shall awake the dead to life." 

The names of most of the prisoners who were carried to Canada 
have been preserved. There were Sarah and her sister, daughters 
of Lieut. Clark ; Capt. Sylvanus Davis, Lieut. Anthony Brackett, 



' Hon. J. H. Drummond has furnished me with the following, viz.: "John 
Parker was the second son of John Parker, " the fisherman," who came from 
Biddeford in England, and was in Saco in 1636, but went afterwards to George- 
town, and in 1650 bought Parker's Island of the Indians. The date of the 
fathers' death is unknown, but it was before July, 1661. The son, John, was 

born in Saco, according to tradition ; he married, Aug. 20, 1660, Mary Fair- 
field, daughter of Daniel Fairfield, of Boston ; he purchased of the Indians 
nearly all the territory that makes the present town of Phippsburg ; other 
parties claimed, under other titles, and on July 15, 1684, Richard Wharton 
made an indenture with him, in which it was recited that John Parker " for 
twenty years past has been seized of lands between Kennebec river and Casco 
Bay, bounded on the north by Winnegance Creek," and by which Parker's 
land was conferred to him, in whole and in part. His son James was killed 
with him ; his daughter Elizabeth, then unmarried, administered on his estate 
in 1700; he left another son, Daniel, the great-grandfather of Isaac Parker, the 
celebrated Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts. According 
to the deposition of John Phillips, John Parker had three other daughters, but 
it is quite certain that he fell into the error of confounding another John Par- 
ker, who had three daughters, with this John Parker. 

^Thomas Cloice was the son of John and Julian Cloice. He married 
Susannah, a dau. of Geo. Lewis. He had three children. (Willis, p. 292). 

3 Seth and Anthony Brackett were the sons of Anthony, who with his brother 
Thomas, were among the earliest settlers of Casco. They both came from 
Portsmouth, N. H., and occupied an important place in our former history. 
They are the ancestors of all of that name who reside with us. Anthony, the 
elder, was killed at the battle on his farm in 1689. Of the children by his first 
wife, Lieut. Anthony, was taken prisoner at the capture of Fort Loyall, and 
escaped in September following. He rendered the country very acceptable 
service during the war, and finally settled in Boston. Seth. the second son, was 
killed at the time of the capture of the fort. Thomas, the brother of the first 
Anthony, was killed by the Indians in 1676, and his family carried into captivity. 
(Willis, p. 290). 



82 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

jr., James Ross,^ Thomas Parker,' Peter Morrill, James Alex- 
ander, 3 Joshua Swanton (a boy), Samuel Yorke,'* Samuel Souter, 
Thomas Baker (a boy), Hannah Wharton,5 or Swarton, and 
George Gray.' 

These were carried away by the French and Indians, and gen- 
erally received good treatment from their captors. Some of them 
in years after were restored to their former homes and friends. 
Others could not resist the allurements of the Catholic church, be- 
came devotees to that religion, and remained in their new homes 
during their lives, and at their deaths, found their rest on the 
banks of that beautiful river of the north. 

I was very fortunate in finding in the Secretary of State's office, 
Boston, the following paper, which has never been published, or I 
think ever referred to : 

[Hutchinson's Papers, Vol. 3, Leaf 401]. 

" A tru Relation giuen by Robert Watson Captaine before the Commanders 
of the souilders at Wells the 25 of May, 1690: 

Consarning the maner of the taking and distroying of Casco bay. 

That on friday morning being the 16 day of May now last Past one Robert 
Watson being wanting thare Isued out of seueriell garisons twenti six men in 
sarche of him of which 20 was killed in uery litell time. Imediately the enemi 
foute with the garison M'' Ingerson and stoutely resisted untill euening at which 
time the aminition being dun thay of the s<^ garison Isued out and got to the 

' "Among the names of English captives rescued by Mathew Gary at Quebec 
in Oct., 1695, "^^''^ J^"^* Ross, Cascow, Jam^ Alexander do., Josp^* Swarton boy, 
do. names of those Remaining still in the hands of the ffrench at Canada, 
Sam" York of Cascow, Sara Dauis Cascow, gerll, Tho^ Baker boy, do. George 
Gray Do. Do." (N. E. His. and Gen. Reg., 24, 289). 

^ James Ross was born in Falmouth, 1662, son of James. He was taken pris- 
oner with his father's family in 1676, and again in 1690 (at the capture of the 
fort). He was a shoemaker by trade, and occupied his father's farm at Back 
Cove. On his return from his second captivity he resided at Salem. He was 
living in Salem in 1724." (Willis, p- 298). 

3 John Gyles in the narrative of his captivity, speaks of meeting on the St. 
John's river a captive named James Alexander, a Jerseyman, who was taken at 
Falmouth. (Willis, p. 286). 

* See statement of Samuel York, post. 

5 See Hannah Swarton's account of her captivity, post. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 83 

fort withe ondl-y the damage of one man wounded at which fort the enemi as- 
salted all nite the 17 daj' in the morning m' Laronce sent to Cap' Dauis for 
supli of men which was refused with aduice giuen to s"* Larance that he shoulde 
Come to the forte whiche he did without the los of a man whare the enemi 
Continued thare assault untill untill munday morning at whiche time thay fired 
two houses which stood ueari neare the forte and Continaied and Continued 
thare assault untill tuesday untill 12 or one a Clicke at which time thay had 
brought to Perfection trenches oute of whiche thay put Burche rines withe fire 
arowes to the forte with sunie furi and dilegence that thay within ware not able 
to resist and seing no other way but either yeild or end in the dredful flames 
treated withe the enemi and upon solum Protestations to them made that all the 
english thare should be safely Conducted without ani want of Prouision to Pis- 
catoqua thay Pretended all was waste so far the forte was sorendered about thre 
cures before sunset which being dun these Profidious Promesers Imediately 
Captivated all and Caring them a litell way whare thay did after astrange and 
Cruell maner binde them to stackse in the grounde streched as though on racks 
the Cause of whiche is suposed by the approche of same uesills Rescind 
whiche thay lay all alonge the shore excepte the guarde on the Captiues whiche 
was aboute 500 the whole then being aboute 500: 300 Indians of which Hope- 
hood was Ceinrell about 200 frenche of whiche one Burno (or Burns) Com- 
mander the number of Canews thay had about two hundred in sum of whiche 
the s^ Watson saw foure in sum thre the leaste two Indians besides the squaes 
the said Watson giues an ace" of aboute 40 Persons killed and 68 Captiuated 
of whiche Captiues there is 38 men was in the forte when surendred nine 
women and twenti Children. Sam^i Sherbon Cap' 

The Enemi dothe yet Remaine Shederike Waltin, Capt. 

in wells make what haste you Can Joseph Storer ' Ljutanants 

for oure Incuragement. Icobod Plaisted^ 

yourse to sarve in what wee may Richr"! Brior 

Sam" Wheelwright 

John litelfield 

There is somewhat of a conflict of opinions as to how long the 

' Joseph Storer was the son of Wm. Storer of Dover, and was born in 1648. 
He was actively engaged at Wells in the manufacture of lumber. He was com- 
missioned a lieutenant, had command of a garrison, but was not called into 
any active service requiring his absence from the garrison. He married Han- 
nah, dau. of Roger Hill of Saco, and had eight children He died in 1730. 
At the period of his death he was the wealthiest man in Wells, leaving an es- 
tate appraised at $5,000. (History of Wells, pp. 331, l^'^. 

^ Ichabod Plaisted, sixth son of Roger and Olive ; was judge of Probate, 
1716-15; married 5th of January, 1692, Mary, daughter of Christopher Jose, of 
Portsmouth, and had four children. He died at Piscataqua, i6th of Nov., 
171 5, in his 52d year. (Wentworth Gen., I, 298). w. M. S. 



84 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

siege of Fort Loyall lasted. All the accounts, both French and 
English, that I have had access to, agree that it lasted five days 
and four nights. Capt. Davis says: "The i6th of May, 1690, 
about dawning began our fight, the 20th at 3 o'clock afternoon we 
were taken." 

My friend, Wm. M. Sargent, Esq., has kindly furnished me with 
copies of some papers in reference to the capture of Casco and 
Fort Loyall, which he has found in the Massachusetts archives, 
and the following gives a somewhat different version from the 
statements of Capt. Davis and others : 

'• LETTER TO MAJOR VAUGHAN AT PORTSMOUTH. 

Saco y^ 18* May 1690. 

Maj'' vahan or Maj'' davis. 
Sr these with respects to you and to acquant you that yesterday Casco fort is 
taken and Burnd down : we have account pr 2 men went frome Spurwinks and 
saw it a fire we hard fight 2 days and nights. 

Our bubble Request to you is to send vesselles to Carry of our women and 
children and what we have or else we perrish. 
So I remain Your friend & St. 



Edward Sargent.' 



and if possible men to asist us carry of our cattle. 
(Mass. Archives, 36, p. 70). 



' Edward Sargent, son and oldest child of John Sargent (mentioned below), 
born at Saco, 8th March, 1661 ; called " Captain R. D. C," in 1690 ; was early 

entrusted with responsible positions by his fellow-townsmen; Dec. 3, 1681, ; 

was chosen to agree on a highway, with Cape Porpoise men; 21st May, 1688, I 

was chosen Commissioner for Saco and Cape Porpoise. The date of the birth j 

of his fourth child shows that he removed his wife and family to Portsmouth > 

for safety, at the outbreak of the Second War, but himself remained at his I 
post as captain of the fort at Saco, as is shown by the mention of him and 

his letter in New Eng. Hist. & Gen. Reg., V, 367 ; and Recorder, II, 139. The 1 

record and the date of his election is unfortunately lost with the other Saco 1 

records. After the war, he dwelt at Portsmouth, till his marriage with his sec- \ 

end wife, the widow Bradstreet, gave occasion for his removal to Newbury, ] 

where he was living in 1721, when he sold his share of his father's estate at , 

Winter Harbor. His will was dated Feb. 12, 1735-6, and probated Sept. 6, . 

1742. (Essex Prob. Office, 25-42.) John Sargent, father of the above Edward, < 
first appears on record in 1658, calling himself "of the Isles of Shoals," from 
which it is inferred he was the son of that Stephen Sargent whose Inventory was 
there taken 29th Nov., 1649. I" 1661, he had removed to Saco, where he had 

a land grant 1663, and where his four older children were born ; in 1666, had seats ' 

assigned him and wife in the meeting house there ; in 1668, constable ; 1669, , 

.he purchased more land from William Phillips; 1674, 1680, 1682, 1684, select- j 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 85 

I have also to thank Mr. Sargent for another document from 
the same source ; which, if a correct statement, shows that all the 
garrison houses were not abandoned at the beginning of the at- 
tack on Fort Loyall. This is a^letterfrom Wm. Vaughan, of Ports- 
mouth, viz. : 

" PoRTSM May 18 1690 
Much Hon^'d 

The Inclosed which I Just now rect. from Majo' ffrost advising of the 
Enemies Assault upon Casco as pp information of Jonathan Clark (Inhabitant 
of Casco) who S* y' he went out of Piscataqua river in a shallop on ffriday 
Morning last bound for Casco bay where he discovered y' Enemy & saw Eleven 
houses burning y^ Enemy disposing themselves in Sundry places & by their 
shouting and firing of Guns, bespoke them to be numerous. They were very 
Brisk in firing upon Engersons ' Garrison who made so briske a Return con- 
tinuing to fire on Each other as long as they were in sight, y« Enemy Discover- 
ing their shallop came Down to a point of land to prevent those Landing & 
were so near them that their shot raked them. When they came to y^ Point 
w*^ in ye shallop hearing they made 12 or 13 Cohoops intimating that they had 
killed so many persons. The shallop Seeing the Enemy Soe thick about & 
finding noe Sound Landing came away after they had been ab* an hour in view 
of the place (Place) & Arrived at York last night, while they were vf*^ in sight 

they saw noe Guns fired at from the fort but heard one Gun before they 

came in Sight & 3 more after they come away when they came off Spurwink 
river yesterday morning they saw a great smoke ffrom it. May be Jordans Gar- 
rison. Wee were hopefull at y« return of Mess Hawthorn & Corum, y' yo'' 
hon" would have been Satisfied y* y« fforces then in ye Eastern ppts had been 

man; 1675 with others, was grantee of a plantation six miles square, above Saco ; 
in 1677, he was dwelling on Great Island, Piscataqua river, a refugee in the 
first Indian war, and there his fifth child was probably born; in 1680, appointed 
by the Court, Lieutenant at Saco and Cape Porpoise; same year, an Inferior 
Magistrate; 1684, Representative to the General Assembly; July 3, 1686, 
Captain John Sargent chosen one of a committee of three to engage Rev. Mr. 
Milburn as minister, — and because of the loss of the Saco records, which 
are wanting, 1688-1717, the above is the last entry relating to Captain John, ex- 
cept the division of his estate long after his death, — unless Williamson (Hist, 
of Maine, I, 608), be correct in saying it was he who " arrested eighteen or 
twenty Indians on the warrant of Benjamin Blackman, in the fall of 1688, and 
carried them to Falmouth ; " — but a comparison of dates and their respective 
ages, makes it much more probable that this officer was the son. Captain 
Edward. 

w. M. s. 

' Ingersoll garrison house, near the foot of now Exchange street. 



86 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

small enough to have assisted the Inhabitants in their Defence Ag' ye Enemy 

& wood Dreded to think of the fearful consequences of their Drawing off. Wee 

also Humbly prayed by y* said Gent" to have some order about our Provinces 

ye out places whereof are as much Exposed to y^ Enemy as anny others to j 

which have as yet Reed no answer. As to what I Rote concerning y« The non \ 

observance of the order ye Embargo you may please to Know y* Mr. Graffort ] 

had a Pink & a Small Kebec ' Sailed home work for w^^^ I understand i 

has brought from ye Gouv"" at Boston w"^ out which they had been stopt. ; 

Your Honners Hum^^^ Servt. 

WM Vaughan." 
(Vol. 36, page 68, Mass. Archives). 

This statement makes it appear that the garrison houses were 
defended by themselves separately from Fort Loyall, and in this it ; 
in part agrees with the account of Robert Watson. j 

The news of the capture of Fort Loyall and the destruction of 
Casco carried terror and dismay to all the exposed white settle- 
ments in Maine, New Hampshire and New York. The Massa- 
chusetts Colony found when too late at what a fearful cost they 
had neglected their own interests, and sacrificed the poor inhabi- 
tants at Falmouth. Letters poured in from all the towns m Maine 
and New Hampshire calling for protection, and urging immediate 
measures. The settlements in Maine were so abandoned that 
there were only the towns of Wells and Kittery left with a white 
population. The following letters showing the country's alarm at 
that time are to be found in the Massachusetts archives : 

" Kittery 18* of May: 1690 
Maj"^ Vaughan 

Sir. This morning came the barer to mee from Yorke who 

came in there Last night in a Shallop from Cascoe advising of the Eenemies 
Attaque upon Cascoe fryday Evening Last I haue sent the baror to you to 
give Account of what he knows there of which pray you to hasten away to the 
Governor & Councill myself Designing forthwith to dispatch a way the sd Shal- 
lop again to Cascoe with some Souldiers for their better defence to make a 
further discovrie of that matter 

I Remaine 

S'' yo' Assured friend 

c servant at Comand 

Charles Ffrost MajoV 
((Vol. 36, p. 69, Mass. Archives). 

' Kebec (Xebec) according to Webster's definition, a small three masted ves- 
sel, carrying lateen sails. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 87 

" Province of Mayne 
1690 May the i8th day. 

Major ffrost. Sir these are to inform you that 
the Indians & freinch hath taken Casco fort and it is to be feared that all the 
people are killed & taken ; therefore wee desire your company here with us to 
put us in a posture of Defense for we are in a very shattered Condition. Some 
are for removing and some are for staying Soe that we stand in great need of 
your assistance, if we stay we must have more assistance, & if we remove we 
must have help & assistance to gett away with what we have left not els. we 
Remayne your Servants. 

Sam^ Wheelwright 
Joseph Storer 
Jon*. Hammond.' " 
(Vol. 36, p. 70, Mass. Archives). 

"Much Hon<i. Portsm" May 19* 1690 

yesterday advised you of the Enemy Assault upon Casco. 
About two o'clock this morning came a man from Saco through the woods w*'^ 
the from the Coman^'' of the garrison there, he inform y' upon hearing of the 
guns from Casco two men went from Spurwink Garrison on Saturday to make 
what discovery they could & when they came near saw but two houses standing. 
The fort on fire and the enemy very numerous thereabout. Those of Spurwink 
& Black Point are got on board the sloops there in order to their remove, and 

those of Saco pray reliefe of vessels w'=*^ we shall endeavor to send them. 

So yt wells is now y« frontier Eastward who must necessarily remove forthw"" 
unless present relief be sent them & other the out places in both thare Prov- 
inces. Wee were amazed ^ at the order for drawing off the Soldiers in the 
Province of Mayne, after the gentlemen sent hither to inspect the state of those 
Provinces were satisfied that all yt all the fforts there was too little for there 
defence as too sad experience daly teacheth. And for this Province we have not 
had aboue 12 or 14 men by whose assistance wee have prevailed with the two 
Garrisons at Cocheco & and the out Garrison at Oyster River to stand their 
Grounds in hopes of more help instead where of yesterday arrived yo"" order for 
their Dismission, w<=^ will occasion the quitting of there Garrisons and then all 
Dover will be lost. Soe I shall at present wait yo'' further pleasure thereabout. 
The Enemy are now Powerful & prevalent & will carry all before them unless a 

' Jonathan Hammond was the brother of Joseph Hammond before mentioned, 
(p. 59, ante). He was appointed sergeant in 1694, and lieutenant in 1703, 1709. 
He was killed and scalped in Queen Anne's war, near Jona. Littlefield's garri- 
son. (His. of Wells, p. 233). 

^So that the neglect of Massachusetts to defend its own people caused 
amazement at that time. 



88 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

stop be put to their proceedings. So yt it will be doubtless necessary to resolve 
a stop some where & then to have a sufficient force to repell the enemy as well 
as in all out places yt are liable to their assaults : The Lord direct you in all 
yo"' arduous affairs is the prayer of 

Much hon''<l yo^ humble Servts 

W™. Vaughan 
Charles ffrost 
Richd Martyn." 
(Vol. 36, p. 71, Mass. Archives). 

" Gent our sad Condition puts us vpon yo"" charity, the enemy is now very 
near vs Sacoe is this day on fire. Wee expect them vpon us within a few 
hours or days at Least ; and therefore wee humbly crave some assistants from 
you, that wee may be in some measure able to stand a few days if it be ye will 
of God till wee here from the Bay.' if we have not immediate help wee are a 
lost people : so we pray that our good God may move yo' harts to pitty vs, & 
bowing solely vpon the mercy of God now Subscribe ourselves yo'' most humble 
and Greatly distressed servts. 

Sam". Wheelwright 
Wells y« 22th May, 1690 Jon"' Hamond 

John Wheelwright 
Joseph Storer." 
(Vol. 36, p. 72, Mass. Archives). 

"PORTSMO 22*11 i6go 

Much Hon<i. 

On Tuesday about Eleaven oclock wee sent two sloops 
with about 50 men & 2 shallops ^ to make a full descovery of the State of Casco 
who arrived there yt evening about half an hour after sun sett, and returning 
hither this morning Say yt at their first appearance they heard the drum beat 
many hours in the heart of the Town, & Saw at least part of the fort standing, 
upon w'='i one of their shallops went pretty near the shore, but tacking about 
again had a volley of small shot fired at him Supposed not less than 300 guns, 
& 3 great guns but did them no harm & then the enemy forthwith Sett the Fort 
or the remaining part of it, with sundry houses on fire, the next morning they 
went as nearly as they dared adventure with a sloop, but could make no further 
discovery, but the enemie burning the residue of the houses, so that all there 
is certainly destroyed & not one alive, but what is in the enemies hands : at 

* Massachusetts Bay, as that Colony was generally called. 

^ These may have been considered by the French, vessels sent to the relief of 
Casco. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 89 

their return yesterday they saw Black point Spurwink Richmans Island et. 
burning so that nothing now remains eastward of Wells. Wee hope y' Honors 
will at least see a necessity of giving a check to the progress of y"' Enemy by 

dispatching away considerable forces forthwith Otherwise their succes 

will more to pursoe their conquest till we are all overthrown. The Lord 

help you to pitty the distressed and send speedy w""* we heartily beg who 

are 

Hon**'* your humble Servts. 
Here are 3 or 400 most women & children come in from Eastward this week 
who will perish unless assisted by the charity of others. 

Charles ffrost 
Nath' ffryer * 
Richd Martyn 
Wells will desert if not forthwith reinforced." 
(Vol. 36, p. 77, Mass. Archives). 

The result of these appeals for assistance and protection was 
the following order of the Council : 

Boston 23 May 1690 
Att a Councill. 

Present Simon Bradstreet Esqr Governo 
John Richards ^ Tho : Danforth 

Samuel Shimplin, >- Esq' James Russell 

Samuel Sewall ) Elisha Hutchinson 

John Phillips 

Ordered that One Hundred and twenty Souldiers be forthwith detached out of 
the Regiments of Militia hereafter mentioned in proportion following vizt. 
Twenty five apiece out of the South and Middle Regiments of Essex Twenty 
three out of the Lower Regiment of Midd'^ Twenty two out of Boston Regi- 
ment and twenty five out of the South Regiment of Suffolk the severall Majors 
of the aforesaid Regiments to order the detaching of their respective proportion 

' Nathaniel Fryer was bom in Boston ; supposd to be the son of James of 
Cambridge, removed to Portsmouth, and lived at Great Island. He was a rep., 
councillor, judge of probate, and filled many other important offices. He left 
two daughters,"Elizabeth, who married Judge Hinckes ; Sarah, married Robert 
Elliot. He died August 13, 1705. (See N. H. His. Coll., VIII, 353). Coun- 
cillor James Fryer was his eldest son. (Wentworth Gen., I, 103). At the at- 
tack on Richmond's Island, by the Indians, in Oct. 1676, a vessel was there 
irom Portsmouth, belonging to Nathaniel Fryer, sent at the request of Walter 
Gendall, to preserve the property on the island. The vessel was driven on 
shore by the enemy, and the crew of eleven taken prisoners, among them was 
James Fryer, son of the owner, a young man of Portsmouth, who afterwards 
died of the wounds received in that engagement. (Willis, p. 211). 



Esqrs 



90 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

of Souldiers afores'^ well appointed with arms and ammunition to be forwarded 
with all speed to the relief and Succour of York and Wells. 

By Order of the Governor & Councill. 

IsA. Addington Secy 
(Vol. 36, p. 76, Mass. Archives). 

The following letter was also sent to Sir Wm. Phipps, by a 
sloop, hoping to intercept him on his way back from Nova Scotia : 

LETTER TO SIR WM. PHIPPS. 

Hon Sir 

Boston May 23d 1690 

We received yours yesterday by the hands of Capt°^ Welch, bringing us the 
intelligence of the presence of God with you in giving you success, which we 
desire to acknowledge with hearty thankfulness as a smile of providence. But 
the solemn tidings of the loss of Casco give such an alloy to our rejoyceing as 
fixes sorrow in all faces, and prevents us in necessity of sending forth this 
small vessell in hopes that they may meet you on yor Return home in order 
you to call in at Casco with some of the shiping and souldjers under yor com- 
and to visit that place. And if advisable to land three hundred or more of your 
ff orces there to seeke for and annoy the enemy ye endeavor a rescue of the cap- 
tives. And to march home by land through the country ; whereby you may 
possibly gain some advantage upon the enemy and will be refreshing and en* 
couraging to the frontiers to stand their ground, while they are reinforced with 
more strength for which orders are given forth. Referring it to you''self and 
council to advise upon and to give instructions to the most agreed methods to 
be taken for the ends above, with our service unto yo''selfe, and Gent^ with you 
Command youe to God * 

And are 

Yor sincere ffriend & Servant 

Sim Bradstreet. 

and to take the guns, and what else may be drawn off the place 
By order °^ the Govern' and Councill 

ISA Addington, 

Sect 
(Vol. 36, p. 78, Mass. Archives). 

A letter from Samuel Sewall which is published in the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society's Collection, Vol. 5, 5th series, pp. 320, 

' When it was too late the Massachusetts Government were awakened to the 
necessity of protecting the people of Maine. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 9 1 

321, shows the public feeling regarding the destruction of Casco 
at that time : 

"Boston May 21, 1690 
Honb'e Sir — 

The Express sent pr. your Honour was with me about 5 oclock this 
morning ; But the Council being about to meet in the mom, delayed that might 
have the sence, and expected a greater certainty of the condition of Casco 
which yet fails ; whose sitting proves so late that fear will be 4 past m"" before 
shall dismiss them. The General Court have ordered our Souldjers to be 
raised out of the several Regiments. Capt. James Converse is to command 
one company. They are to march next Tuesday, and rendezvous at Concord 
and Sudbury, and to march by land to Springfield, and so on to Albany intend 
to send meat by Sea, and take up on trust if it arrive not soon enough. Intend 
to send the 2d company with a Lieut, to Maj. Pynchon, and he appoint a cap- 
tain. We think Capt. Converse may be fit to be the next Major. No news is 
yet received from Sir William (Phipps). Tis believed Casco Garrison and Fort 
are burnt, and the Inhabitants destroyed; so that we do not understand that 
there is one escaped or shut up or left. We fear if this be true there may be 
so many French and Indians that we shall be obliged to raise 4 or 5 hundred 
men to defend our Frontiers on that part. This disaster fell out on Friday and 
Satterday last. Four score Souldjers there. Capt. Willard came away the day 
before. This news comes by men sent by Uominicus Jordan's Garison, and a 
shallop that saw Houses on fire on Friday, and forced to come away without 
loading. Have some glimmering hope that the Fort is not burnt." 

In his diary' under date of Friday, May 23d, he says: "Tis 
doleful! news we have to celebrate Mr Eliots funeral with. Casteen 
is said to head about 70 French, and Indians are about Two 
Hundred. Capt. Willard came away the day before the attack." 

The forces that are referred to by the letter of Sewall were 
troops that were to be furnished by Massachusetts for the defense 
of New York in accordance with an agreement made with the 
commissioners of the colonies.^ That was, — Massachusetts could 

' Sewall's diary (Mass. His. Soc. Coll., V. 5th series, 321). 

'^ Extract of a letter from Governor Leisler and council to the Earl of Shrews- 
bury : " That Mav i, 1690, was concluded between us and the Gent" commission- 
ated for the colonies of Boston, Plymouth & Connecticut, that Boston should 
furnish 160 men, Plym.o 60 & Connecticut 135, w«h were joyned with 400 men of 
New York Province to march for Albanv against the French at Canada." . 
(N. Y. Col. Man., Ill, 751). 



92 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

raise troops to be used for the defense of a sister colony, but she 
could spare none for the defense of her loyal subjects in Maine. 
The result of the capture of Fort Loyall was the countermand of 
the soldiers going to New York, as by the following letter : 

Governor Bradstreet to Jacob Leisler.' 

"Boston May 30th 1690 
Hono^'^'' S"". According to y'= agreement made by y« Comissioners of ye 

Colonies at their late meeting in yo'^ City wee raised the number of Souldiers 
on our part to be Provided & Sent, but when they were on their march towards 
Springfield wee were forced to countermand them Speed them away to ye East- 
ward to defend their Maj^i^^ Subjects of the Province of Hampshire & Maine 
against ye incursions of ye enemy, who upon ye Sixteenth did attack those 
Posted at Casco Bay, Killed and Captured all y'' persons there men women & 
children. They fust surprised Six and twenty men who unwarily Issued out of 
ye garrison to look after a person that was missing of there. They killed 
twenty w'''^ were near a third Parte of ye whole number of men. The Enemy 
then openly appeared before ye fort and assaulted it by ye space of five days & 
being about two hundred French & three hundred Indians they made there ap- 
proaches in a Trench & Putt so hard to fire y'^ fort by flaming Birch Rinds shott 
at it. that on ye fifth day they forced them to surrender before we could have 
intelegence to relieve them. The enemy are so flushed att this vSuccess that 
they since have fallen on Welles, & Kittery in Piscataqua. Upon w'''' ye In- 
habitants of or frontier towns are so alarmed, that we shall be obliged to dis- 
patch four or five hundred horse & foott w'^^ are mostly them already engaged 
in defending these parts and pursuing ye ennemy to there head quarters if pos- 
sible. Nevertheless we have ordered about sixty men for Albany.^ 
Sir 
^ Y^r Friends & Servt^ 

Simon Bradstreet Gov'' in ye 
name of the Councill." 



' Jacob Leisler, an American adventurer, who acted a prominent part in the 
New York Colony. He was born in Frankfort, came to America in 1660 as a 
soldier in the service of the Dutch West India Company. He engaged in the 
Indian trade and became wealthy. He was actively prominent in the political 
affairs of the Province; and in 1659 assumed the title and style of a royal lieu- 
tenant-governor and commander-in-chief. On the arrival of Sloughter, who had 
been appointed governor in 1691, he was imprisoned, charged with treason and 
murder, and shortly after tried and executed." (American Cyclopedia, X, 330, 
331)- 

^ N. Y. Col. Man., II, 146. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 93 

Extract of a letter from Thomas Newton,' written from Boston 
to Capt. Nicholson, the 26th May, 1690: 

" Worthy Sir. 

Last week Casco was taken, wherein severall Garrisons were 
contained 80 souldiers, but were so quartered that upon the attack they could 
not relieve one another and were all destroyed and taken captives with the 
women and children saveing one man who was taken before the engagement, 
and then made his escape. It is reported since that York or Wells is taken, 
and to be much feared that the enemy will in a short time destroy all to ye 
Piscataqua, if not that too. Ottr charter Governors little regarding that part of 
the country or the lives of so many of their Maj''^^ subjects as have already been 
destroyed, but mind smaller matters." .... 

Referring to the capture of Port Royal by Sir Wm. Phipps, he 
says : " But we have already suffered greater loss by far at Casco, 
than we have gained at Port Royal," ^ 

Mr. Livingston 3 to Lieut. Gov. Nicholson : •♦ "The 160 men 
that Boston had raised to send us, who were upon their march 
were called back upon the news of Caskoe being taken." s 

' Thomas Newton, secretary of the Province of Massachusetts, came from 
New Hampshire; is supposed to have been born Jan. 10, 1661 ; was secretary 
till 1690; was controller of the customs at Boston, judge of the admiralty, 
and attorney general in the witchcraft persecutions. His opinion must have led 
to the cure of the infernal delusion, for in January, 1693, ^^ wrote to Sir Wm. 
Phipps, the governor, that of the fifty-two charged at Salem, that court, the 
three convicts should have been acquitted like the rest. He died May 28, 1721. 
(Savage, 3, 278). 

^N. Y. Col. Man., IH, 720, 721. 

3 Robert Livingston, first proprietor of the manor in Livingston in Col- 
umbia County, N. Y., was born at Ancram in Scotland, in 1654, and came to 
America in 1674. He filled numerous public offices, was secretary for Indian 
Affairs, member of the Executive Council, speaker of the Provincial Assembly, 
&c. He died about the year 1728. (N. Y. Col. Man., Ill, 401. See American 
Cyclopedia, X, 546). 

* Capt. Francis Nicholson was appointed 20th April, 1688, lieutenant governor 
of New England, under Andros, of whom he was a strong partisan. At the 
time of the revolution against Andros he was forced to leave New York. In 
1689, William III sent him a commission to continue in his office as lieutenant- 
governor. He was appointed governor of Virginia in 1690, and was succeeded 
by Andros. He then became governor of Maryland. He was appointed the 
chief commander of the expedition against Canada in 1708, and in 17 10 re-cap- 
tured Port Royal from the French. (N. Y. Col. Man., vols. 3, 4, 5, 9). 

SN. Y. Col. Man., Ill, 727. 



94 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

After the destruction of Casco, the French and Indians who 
were from Canada returned there, arriving at Quebec on June 23d. 
Castine, Madockawando, and the Penobscot Indians sought their 
forest homes, and their subsequent encounters with the whites 
were at places distant from Falmouth, which became the scene of 
no more engagements during the war. 

In closing this part of the narrative of the capture of Fort 
Loyall, the statement of its brave commander, Sylvanus Davis,' 

' This paper would be incomplete without some mention being made of this 
brave hero who was the commander of the devoted band who were 
sacrificed at the fall of Fort Loyall. The readers of these previous pages 
cannot but observe from the letters that he wrote during those dark days 
of trouble and which are for the first time published, the great care and 
responsibility which devolved upon him, and the spirit of patriotism and 
bravery exhibited. Deserted by Capt. Willard, and some of his men, who 
followed the example of their cowardly commander ; his appeals to the govern- 
ment of Massachusetts being of no avail, he, in those last days of disaster and 
danger, did not quail or show any degree of pusillanimity, but manfully with the 
small force under him, fought to the last, and surrendered only in the last ex- 
tremity. It is uncertain as to what family Sylvanus Davis belonged to or where 
he came from. The accompanying note of Mr. Sargent is the only information 
attainable. His first appearance in Maine that is known of was as a resident of 
Damariscotta or vicinity. In 1659 he purchased there lands of the Indians, 
and resided there for some years. He subsequently removed to Arrowsic 
Island on the Kennebec river, where he acted as agent for Clark and Lake, who 
were large proprietors there, and traded with the Indians. In King Philip's 
war the Indians in Maine commenced hostilities against the white settlements. 
August 14, 1676, they attacked Clark and Lake's establishment, and made 
themselves masters of the place. Several of the inmates were killed, and a 
large amount of property seized. Among those in the fortifications were Capt. 
Sylvanus Davis, who had just returned from a conference with the Indians at 
Teconnet (now Winslow), and Capt. Lake. When they found themselves over- 
powered, they endeavored with two others to escape in a Isoat. They were followed 
by four Indians. Captain Davis was wounded, but succeeded in making his 
escape. Capt. Lake was killed by a musket shot; his body was subsequently 
recovered and carried to Boston for burial. (Johnson's History of Bristol, &c.) 
Among the epitaphs in Copps Hill burying ground is the following : "Captain 
Thomas Lake, aged 61 years, an eminently faithful servant of God, and one of 
a public spirit, was perfidiously slain by ye Indians at Kennibec river, August 
ye. 14, 1676, and here interred the 13th of March following." 

Being driven by the Indians from the Kennebec, Sylvanus Davis came to 
Falmouth, then being resettled under the direction of President Danforth, and 
became one of its most enterprising and public spirited citizens. In 1680 he 
had a lot of land granted to him by Danforth on Thames (now Fore street), 
This location may be seen on the accompanying plan. The lot was 147 x 630 
feet, and run back to the burying ground. On this lot he built a store and resi- 
dence in one building. A plan of this lot and a drawing of the building is to be 
seen in the Mass. archives. In 1687 he was licensed to retail liquors out of 
doors in the town of Falmouth, paying duties and imposts therefor. Grants of 
lands in various parts of the town were made to him and his partner, James 
English, at Capisic and Long Creek, and saw mills were there built, from 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 95 

will be found of interest. It is to be found entire in the Mass. 
His. Soc. Coll., Vol. I, Third Series, pp. 101-112. Want of space 
will not allow the whole of it to be here printed, but I have made 
such extracts from it as pertain to this subject and matters there- 
with connected : 

The declaration of Sylvanus Davis, Inhabitant of the Town of Falmouth in the 
Province of Maine, in New England, concerning the cruel, treacherous and 
barbarous Management of a War against the English in the Eastern Parts 
of New England, by the cruel Indians, being, as I doubt not, and as the 
Circumstances will appear, set upon their bloody Design by the French and 
their Abettors. 

" Having the liberty of walking the town of Quebeck, and having opportunity 

which the town derived benefit. Little Chebeague Island was also granted 
to Davis, and under his title it is held to the present day. Davis with Tyng 
and others made themselves odious to the people by their sympathy with Gov. 
Andros, and (as was considered) his arbitrary acts in the granting of lands, &c. 
Davis was in favor with and had great influence with the governor, although 
after his deposition he was steadfast in his loyalty to the Massachusetts govern- 
ment. 

After Davis' return from captivity he removed to Massachusetts, and spent 
the remainder of his life at Hull, where he died in 1703. On the return of Sir 
Wm. Phipps with the n^w charter in 1692, Sylvanus Davis was ai)pointed a 
councillor for Sagadahock. Most of the real estate owned by him in Falmouth 
was sold by his legatees to Gen. Samuel Waldo, under which title it is now held. 
(See N. Y. Col. Man., IX, 489; Me. His. Soc. Coll., I, 168; Willis, p. 293). 

"As to the origin and family connection of Capt. Sylvanus Davis, the theory 
is advanced with a proper caution, that he, Sylvanus, George Davie (1663), of 
Wiscasset, and William Davis, of Negwassett (whose widow Margaret had, 
before 1661, married Richard Potts), were the three elder brothers of that 
Humphrey Davie, who bought largely on the Kennebec, as early as 1667, and 
who is shown by the painstaking research of W. H. Whitmore, Esq. (Boston 
Com. Rep. v, 55), to have been the fourth son of Sir John Davie, of Greedy, 
County Devonshire, England. John, the son of this Humphrey, in 1706, on 
default of issue of some of his uncles, and the death of that of others, was 
possessed of the family honors and estates in England. 

The Will of our Sylvanus Davis, merchant, dated at Nantasket (Hull, Mass.) 
April 8th, 1703, proved May 6, 1703, shows that he had no children living at 
that time ; devises his dwelling house which he lately built at Nantasket to his 
wife during her life ; and in consideration of the intimacy and kindness between 
himself and James English, a great part of my life, bequeaths to the three 
daughters of said English, all my quarter part of lands lying in Casco Bay, 
which was held in equal shares by Col. John Phillips, Mr. Endicott, and said 
James English ; nominates John Nelson ( ' in whose service and employment 
several of the latter years of my life have been spent ' ), sole Executor ; ' and 
whereas I have in the whole course of my life been assisting and beneficial 
unto my friends and relations ' ; leaves to his sole disposal, care and arrange- 
ment of all his estate, ' depending upon his promise not only of Justice, but of 
kindness to my dear wife.' " 

W. M. S. 



g6 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. ) 

! 

of conferring with the gentlemen of the place, many were the outrages and in- 
sultings of the Indians upon the English (whilst Sir Edmund Andros was gov- ' 
ernor) at North Yarmouth, and other places at the eastward. The Indians i 
killed sundry cattle, came into houses and threatened to knock the people on ' 
the head, and at several times gave out reports, that they would make war upon [ 
the English ; and that they were animated so to do by the French, the Indians t 
behaving themselves so insulting, gave just cause of great suspicion. In order 
for the finding out the truth, and to endeavour the preventing a war, one Cap- i 
tain Blackman, a justice of peace, with some of the neighbourhood of Saco | 
River, seized several Indians that had been bloody, murderous rogues in the j 
first Indian war, being the chief ringleaders and most fittest and capable to do 
mischief. Said Blackman seized to the number of between sixteen and twenty, 
in order for their examination, and to bring in the rest to a treaty. Said Black- 
man soon sent the said Indians with a guard to Falmouth in Casco Bay, there 
to be secured until orders could come from Boston concerning them ; and in the 
mean time the said Indians were well provided with provisions and suitable 
necessaries. The rest of the Indians robbed the English and took some Eng- 
lish prisoners. Whereupon post was sent to Boston. Sir Edmond Andross 
being at New York, the gentlemen of Boston sent to Falmouth some soldiers 
for the defence of the country, and also the worshipful Mr. Stoughton, with 
others, to treat with the Indians, in order for the settling a peace and getting in 
of our English captives. As soon as the said gentlemen arrived at the east- 
ward, they sent away one of the Indian prisoners to the rest of the Indians, to 
summon them to bring in the English they had taken, and also that their 
sachems should come in to treat with the English in order that just satisfaction 
should be made on both sides. The gentlemen waited the return of the 
Indian messenger, and when he returned he brought answer, that they would 
meet our English at a place called Maquoite, and there they would bring in 
the English captives, and treat with the English. Although the place ap- 
pointed by the Indians for the meeting was some leagues distant from Fal- 
mouth, yet our English gentlemen did condescend to it in hopes of getting in 
our captives, and put a stop to further troubles. They despatched away to the 
place, and carried the Indian prisoners with them, and staid at the place ap- 
pointed, expecting the coming of the Indians that had promised a meeting, but 
they, like false, perfidious rogues, did not appear. Without doubt, they had 
been counselled what to do by the French and their abettors, as the Indians did 
declare afterwards that they were near the place, and to our English that was to 
treat with them, but would not show themselves, but did endeavour to take an 
opportunity to destroy our English that was to treat with them. Such hath been 
and was their treachery. Our gentlemen staid days to wait their coming, but see- 
ing they did not appear at the place appointed, they returned to Falmouth, and 
brought the Indian prisoners, expecting that the other Indians would have sent 



. DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 97 

down some reason why they did not appear at the place appointed, and to make 
some excuse for themselves; but instead of any compliances, they fell upon 
North Yarmouth, and there killed several of our English, whereupon the east- 
ern parts was ordered to get into garrisons, and to be upon their guard until 
further orders from Sir Edmond Andross, and that the Indian prisoners should 
be sent to Boston, which was done with great care, not one of them hurt, 
and care took daily for them for provisions. When they arrived at Boston, the 
gentlemen there can give an account of their usage; but Sir Edmond Andross, 
returning from New York, he set them all at liberty, not so much as taking care 
to redeem those of our English for them that was in their hands. I had kept 
one at Falmouth a prisoner, and to be a guide into the woods for our English to 
find out the haunts of our heathen enemies; but Sir Edmond Andross sends an 
express unto me, that upon my utmost peril I should set the said Indian at lib- 
erty, and take care that all the arms that was taken from him, and all the rest of 
those Captain Blackman had seized, should be delivered up to them without 
any orders to receive the like of ours from them, which was very strange that a 
governour should be so careless of his majesty's subjects and interest. The 
names of those Indians that were in custody, that Sir Edmond Andross re- 
leased, were Hopegood, the Higuers, the Doneyes and others, all being cruel, 
murderous rogues in the first Indian war, and so proved all along in this last 
war, being often passing through the country unto the French. The Indians 
daily making destruction upon our English, Sir Edmond Andross raised forces 
and marched through the country to the eastward. In his march he did rebuke 
the ofificers because they did get together into garrisons to defend themselves. 
How he managed his affairs, and what measures he did take with his instru- 
ments to impoverish this country, and with other nations to bring us to our 
wooden shoes, I leave to the information of those that took a more particular 
account ; but it pleased God, upon the happy change in England, the hearts of 
God's people were stirred up to adventure for the like change amongst us, and 
seized the instruments of our miseries, taking the government into their hands, 
and accordingly did endeavour to their power for the defence of the country 
against the common enemy, the heathen, and French, who joined with them in 
cruel, barbarous manner, burning our towns, destroying their majesties' subjects 
with fire and sword, and all cruelty imaginable. Myself having command of a 
garrison in Falmouth for the defence of the same, a party of French from Can- 
ada, joined with a company of Indians, to the number of betwixt four or five 
hundred French and Indians, set upon our fort. The i6th of IVIay 1690, about 
dawning, began our fight; the 20th, about 3 o'clock, afternoon, we were taken. 
They fought us five days and four nights, in which time they killed and wounded 
the greatest part of our men, burned all the houses, and at last we were forced 
to have a parley with them, in order for a surrender. We not knowing that 



98 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. j 

there was any French among them, we set up a flag of truce in order for a ; 
parley. We demanded if there were any French amongst them, and if they . 
would give us quarter. They answered, that they were Frenchmen, and that j 
they would give us good quarter. Upon this answer, we sent out to them again, 1 
to know from whence they came, and if they would give us good quarter, both | 
for our men, women and children, both wounded and sound, and that we should i 
have liberty to march to the next English town, and have a guard for our de- ' 
fence and safety unto the next English town — then we would surrender ; and | 
also that the governour of the French should hold up his hand, and swear by 
the great and ever-living God, that the several articles should be performed. 
All which he did solemnly swear to perform ; but as soon as they had us in their 
custody, they broke their articles, suffered our women and children and our men \ 
to be made captives in the hands of the heathen, to be cruelly murdered and | 
destroyed, many of them, and especially our wounded men ; only the French \ 
kept myself and three or four more, and carried us over land for Canada. I did | 
desire the French, that seeing they would make us captives, that they would 1 
carry us all for Canada, or keep us together, and that I might have the liberty 
to send to Boston to the governour and councill, in order that care might be 1 
taken for our ransom ; but they would not hear to any such terms, but told ; 
me that we were all rebels, and also Boston, against our king, in that we had 
proclaimed William and Mary king and queen, and that they were usurpers 
to the crown ; and that they did fight for King James, as being under pro- 
tection of the French king. About twenty-four days we were marching 
through the country for Quebeck in Canada, by land and water, carrying our 
canoes with us. The chief of the Indians that came against us was those 
Indians that we had in hold, that Sir Edmond Andross ordered to be 

cleared, Sieur Castine and Madockawando, with their eastern forces. The 

i 
French that took us came from Canada, in February last past, designed for the 

destruction of Falmouth, by order from the governour there, the Earl of Fronte- i 

nack. The commander's name was Monsieur Burniffe ; his lieutenant's name | 

Monsieur Corte de March, who was at the taking of Schenectade. They ' 

brought several Indians with them from Canada, and made up the rest of their ' 

forces as they marched through the woods from Canada. But I must say, j 

they were kind to me in my travels through the country. Our provisions was j 

very short — Indian corns and acorns — hunger made it very good, and God 

gave it strength to nourish. I arrived at Quebeck the 14th of June, 1690,' where 

I was civily treated by the gentry, and was soon carried to the fort before the 

governour, the Earl of Frontenack. He received me civilly, and discoursed 

with me, viz He told me that our new English at New York was the cause of 

' The French date of arrival was 23 June, according to the new style, or 
within one day of it. (See p. 77, ante). The English date was the old style. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 99 

the war in this country betwixt the French and English ; for the governoiir of 
New York had hired the New York Indians to come over land, took and killed 
their people, and destroyed their country ; and they were willing to pass it by, 
rather than to make a war with the English ; but still they did continue, and 
hired the Indians to burn several of their people, that they had taken, which 
was a most cruel thing for one Christian to do to another, and that they would 
do no such cruel practice. 1 told them that New York and Boston was two 
distinct governments, and that the governour of New York must give a particu- 
lar account to our king for his actions, each for himself. He said we were one 
nation. I told him it was true, but two distinct governments. Also I told him, 
that the last Indian war we had a friendly commerce with the French, and for 
ought I know it might have been so still, had not they joined with the Indians 
and come over into our country, destroying our towns and people ; and that the 
governour of Boston had only raised forts to defend their majesties' subjects 
and interests against the heathen, and had not moved out our own bounds, but 
being forced thereunto by their joining with the Indians for the destruction of 
our country. He said we were all rebels against our king, in proclaiming the 
Prince of Orange to be our king, and he was but an usurper, and that King 
James was our king, and the king of France was his protector. In brief, 
they told me if the government had not been changed, and that Sir Ed- 
mond Andross had continued governour, we should have had no wars betwixt 
us, but we should have been all as one people, which I do believe there was a 
popish design against the Protestant interest in New England, as in other parts 
of the world. I told him that the condition was with us, viz. We were upon 
our guard in our towns, for the defence of our wives and children and country, 
and that little estate that God had given us, against a heathen, barbarous enemy, 
and they that had joined with them. And I said that they were like robbers 
that meet with honest men upon the highway, who fight to save their money, 
and when they are not able to defend themselves any longer, they beg for quar- 
ter, and gladly deliver their purse to preserve their lives, which is promised ; 
but as soon as the purse is delivered, the robbers cut the poor men's throats. 
This is our condition; for we were promised good quarter, and a guide to con- 
duct us to our English ; but now we are made captives, slaves and prisoners in 
the hands of the heathen. I thought I had to do with Christians, that would 
have been careful of their engagements, and not to violate and break their oaths. 
Whereupon the governour shaked his head, and, as I was told, was very angry 
with Burniffe. The governour bid me be corag'd — I should be used well. I 
thanked him, and told him I did not value for myself, but did grieve for the rest 
of the captives that were in the hands of the Indians. He said that he would 
take care that all that was taken with me should be got out of the hands of the 
Indians ; for they did look upon us under another circumstance than those that 



lOO CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

had been stirring up the Indians against them. I was very kindly used whilst 
my abode was at Quebeck ; and also several captives that was taken with me, 
that the Indians brought in, the French bought them and were kind to them. I 
was at Quebeck four months, and was exchanged for a Frenchman Sir William 
Phips had taken, the 15th of October, 1690 , 

Capt. Davis, after his return to Boston, presented a petition to 
the General Court for compensation. The document is on file in 
the Massachusetts archives, and for the information concerning it 
I am indebted to Mr. Sargent. 

" Petition from Sylvanus Davis, Dec. 10*'^ & 22^, 1690, that he served at Casco 
from April 23d, 1689, when orders were sent to Col. Edward Tyng, Maj. Savage 
and himself to take possession until the time that the fort was taken. May 20, 
1690, by the French & heathen, that I was commander in chief of the Fort and 
town, also acted as surgion 11 months & 13 months com'', 11 months surgion, 4 
months commissary — also compensation for W™. Parker (? Baker) who had 
been a soldier for ten months and was now in captivity." 

February 23, 1690-91, he files another petition referring to the 
former one. From the Court Records, 6, 3, the date of Davis' 
appointment as commissioner of Fort Loyall is April 20, 1689. 

The exchange of Captain Davis at Quebec was in this wise : 
After the repulse of Sir Wm. Phipps in the attempt to capture 
Quebec in October, 1690, the fleet prepared to return to Boston, 
The vessels had dropped down the river to a point nine miles be- 
low Quebec, We quote from the letter of M. de Monseignat to 
Mde. de Maintenon, Paris Documents : ' 

" Miss de La Land, who was a prisoner on board the admiral's ship, seeing 
that they were about to return home, inquired of the general, through an inter- 
preter, if he wanted to take her along and abandon a number of his country- 
men, who were prisoners at Quebec, if an exchange was proposed, she hoped 
such negotiation might succeed. She, herself, was sent on parole to make the 
proposal. The Count (Frontenac) readily consented, being very glad to receive 

' N. Y. Col. Man., IX, 4S9, 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 1 01 

her and her maid. Sieur de Grandville ' and Sieur Trouve,^ a priest who had 
been taken at Port Royal, and had been brought hither with others from 
Acadia, expecting that he would be very useful after the capture of the country. 
In the evening she returned greatly elated on board the admiral's ship. 
The English prisoners we wished to restore were mustered that very night; 
they consisted mostly of women and children, and none of any consideration 
except Captain Davys the commander of the fort which Sieur de Portneuf took. 
There were besides, his lieutenant's two daughters (Lieut. T. Clark), who ap- 
peared very well bred. The Count had ransomed them from the Indians, and 
put them to board. Another girP of 9 or 10 years of age, who was somewhat 

' Sieur de Grandville served with distinction as one of the French command- 
ers at the conquest of the Iroquois Indians in 1687. At the attack upon Quebec 
by Sir Wm. Phipps in October, 1690, he was sent to obtain intelligence and was 
taken prisoner. (N. Y. Col. Man., IV, IX). 

^ M. Trouve was a French missionary who was captured at Port Roval the 
May previous by Sir Wm. Phipps. The priest's residence was plundered 
and desecrated. He was carried to Boston, and when the flaet sailed for Que- 
bec in Oct., 1690, he was taken with the expedition to act as an interpreter and 
to be useful. (N. Y. Col. Man., IX, 475, 493). 

^ Sarah Gerrish was the daughter of John Gerrish of Dover, and a grand- 
daughter of Major Richard Waldron, with whom she resided. Her mother's 
name was Elizabeth, and she was a daughter of Maj. Waldron by his second 
wife, Annie Scamman. Quocheco (Dover) was attacked by the Indians on the 
night of the 27th June, 1689. The garrison house where Maj. Waldron and his 
family lived was taken by strategem, and most of thd inmates, including Major 
Walclron, killed. Among the captives taken was Sarah Gerrish, who was a re- 
markably fine child of seven years. She was an inmate of Major Waldron's 
house that fatal night. " Some circumstances concerning her ca])tivity are truly 
affecting. When she was awakened by the noise of the Indians in the house, 
she crept into another bed and hid herself under the clothes to escape their 
search. After she was taken a prisoner in company with other captives, she 
remained in their hands till the next winter wandering through the forests, 
and was sold from one to another several times. An Indian girl once pushed 
her into the river, but catching by the bushes she escaped drowning, yet 
durst not tell how she came to be wet. Once she was so weary with 
traveling that she laid down at night and did not awaken till morning, till the 
Indians were gone, and then she found herself alone in the woods covered with 
snow, and without any food ; having found their tracks she went crying after 
them, till they heard her and took her with them. At one time they kindled a 
great fire and the young Indians told her she was to be roasted. She burst into 
tears, threw her arms around her master's neck, and begged him to save her, 
which he promised to do if she would behave well. At length having arrived 
with her owners at Quebec, she was bought by the Intendant's lady who treat- 
ed her courteously and sent her to a nunnery for education. It was the design 
as was said to have her brought up in the Romish religion, and then have her 
married unto the son of the Lord Intendant. She was kindly used there until 
Sir William Phipps lying before Quebec, did, upon exchange of prisoners, 
obtain her liberty. After sixteen months of captivity she was restored unto 
her friends, who had the consolation of having this desirable daughter again 
with them, returned from the dead ; but coming to be sixteen years old, in the 
month of July, 1697, death bv a malignant fever more irrecoverably took her 
from them." (See His. of N. H., I, 203 ; Mather, II, p. 592). 



I02 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

I 

well looking had been ransomed by the Intendants lady who felt considerable , 
pain at her surrender, yet nevertheless submitted for the public good. 

They amounted to eighteen in all. M. de Valliere ' was entrusted to make j 
the exchange. He proceeded by land on Wednesday morning to the place op- i 
posite where the English were moored. The negotiations continued throughout I 
the day. A chaplain had come ashore, and means were found to detain him in 
consequence of the difficulties which were thrown in the way of the surrender i 
of M. Trouve. Finally the exchange was completed in good faith, but we had ^ 
greatly the advantage in it, since in return for children we received adult men, i 
fit for service, and the number of French exceeded that of the English. They 
detained two of our French pilots which they promised to land ashore after ■ 
passing the dangers of the river.'\ 

In a letter from the governor (Frontenac) to the minister, dated , 
Nov. 12, 1690,^ concerning this exchange, he says: | 

! 

"But to return to the English. When they anchored at Varhre sec. Miss de | 
la Lande,^ who was one of those who had been taken in the bark which the 

enemy had met, proposed to General Phips to demand an exchange. He agreed \ 
and sent her to ascertain if I would listen to the proposition. As it came from 

them I considered I ought not to reject it, being, besides, very glad to recover ' 

principally Sieur de Grandville who had been despatched before my arrival by , 

order of Sieur de Prevost,* the mayor of Quebec, to reconnoitre the enemy, and '; 

and an ecclesiastic called M. Trouve whom they took at Port Royal, and whom I 

they had brought along with them, with what view he could not divine. I com- ] 

' Sieur de la Valliere was one of Canada's most trusted officers. He was ' 
sent on missions to New York, and as an envoy to the Earl of Belmont in ref- ! 
erence to the exchange of prisoners in 1700. He was at this time {1690) the ; 
captain of Frontenac's guards. (N. Y. Col. Man). ; 

2 N. Y. Col. Man., IX, 461. I 

3 Sir Wm. Phipps captured at Tadoussac (30 miles from Quebec) a vessel 
having on board Madame Lalande and Madame Joliet, the wife and the mother- 
in-law of the discoverer of the Mississippi. (Parkman's New Prance, page 263). 
The demoiselle Lalande referred to (captured by the Englisli below Quebec), 
was in all probability Elizabeth Perrin, wife of John Lalande. She spoke Eng- 
lish, as her early life was spent in New York, where she was baptized in Don- 
gan's time by one of the English Jesuits, whom he had brought over. See Tan- 
guay Dictionnaire Genealogique, pp. 339, 493 (Charlevoix, Shea's Ed., VI, 128). 

* M. de Prevost was in 1687 the commander at Montreal; in 1690, mayor of 
Quebec. He heard of the expedition of Sir Wm. Phipps against Canada from 
a fleet Indian runner, who had been sent through the woods to Quebec. He 
notified Frontenac at Montreal, and preparations were made for the defense. 
In 1692 he was the lieutenant governor of Quebec. (N. Y. Col. Man., IX, 169, 
340, 482, 570). 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. I03 

missioned Sielir de la Valliere, captain of my guards, to effect this excliange, of 
which duty he acquitted himself so well that we have had more French restored 
than the English. The latter consisted only of women, girls and children, ex- 
cept Capt. Davis who had been taken by Sieur de Portneuf, the latter had to 
be exchanged for Sieur de Grandville ; and in order to have our Priest, who 
would never have been restored had not Sieur de la Valliere induced this Gen- 
eral's principal Chaplain to come to negotiate with him, and declared to him 
that he would carry him to Quebec, if they refused to exchange Sieur Trouve 
for a little girl whom the Intendant's lady had bought of the Indians and whom 
she offered to give up." 

Another prisoner, Hannah Swarton,' has put upon record a long 
account of her captivity, which is published in full in Mather's 
Magnalia, II, 357, and of which some extracts are made : 

A narrative of Hannah Swarton, containing ivonderful passages relating to her 
captivity and deliverance. 

"I was taken by the Indians when Casco fort was taken (May, 1690); my 
husband being slain, and four children taken with me. The eldest of my sons 
they kill'd about two months after I was taken, and the rest scatter'd from me. 
I was now left a widow, and as bereav'd of my children ; though I had them 
alive, yet it was very seldom I could see 'em, and I had not liberty to discourse 
with 'em without danger either of my own life or theirs ; for our condoling each 
other's condition, and shewing natural affection, was so displeasing to our 
Indian rulers, unto whose share we fell, that they would threaten to kill us, if 
we cry'd each to other, or discoursed much together. So that my condition was 
like what the Lord threatened the Jews in Ezek. xxiv. 22, 23. We durst not 
mourn or weep in the sight of our enemies, lest we lost our own lives. For the 
first times, while the enemy feasted on our English provisions, I might have had 
some with them ; but then I was so fill'd with sorrow and tears, that I had little 
stomach to eat ; and when my stomach was come, our English food was spent ; 
the Indians wanted themselves, and we more ; so that then I was pin'd with 
want. We had no corn or bread ; but sometimes groundnutts, acorns, purslain, 
hogweed, weeds, roots, and sometimes dog's flesh, but not sufficient to satisfie 
hunger with these ; having but little at a time. We had no success at hunting ; 

' Hannah Swarton was wife of John Swarton, whose original petition, dated 
June 16, 1687, is preserved among the Mass. archives (126-358), in which he 
states that he had formerly served King Charles II in the wars in Flanders 
under the command of Colonel Marloe, and elsewhere ; living now at Beverly 
with his wife and children, but being destitute of land had lately taken a journey 
to North Yarmouth where he was promised a vacant ten-acre lot by Captain 
[Walter] Gendall, provided he should obtain an order from the governor, for 
which he humbly pravs. His widow Hannah afterwards claims sixty acres at 
that place. I find the names of their children, Jesp"", Johana and Mary, occur- 
ring among the Canada captives. w. M. s. 



I04 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

save that one bear was killed, which I had part of; and a very small part of a J 
turtle I had another time, and once an Indian gave me a piece of a moose's ' 
liver, which was a sweet morsel to me; and fish if we could catch it. Thus I ] 
continued with them, hurry'd up and down the wilderness, from May 20 till the ' 
middle of February ; carrv'ing continually a great burden in our travels ; and I 
must go their pace, or else be killed presently ; and yet was pinch'd with cold 
for want of clothing, being put by them into an Indian dress, with a sleight ' 
blanket, no stockins, and but one pair of Indian shoes, and of their leather j 
rtockins for the winter : my feet were pricked with sharp stones and prickly j 
bushes sometimes, and other times pinch'd with snow, cold, and ice, that I 
travell'd upon, ready to be frozen, and faint for want of food ; so that many ' 
times I thought I could go no further, but must lie down, and if they would kill 
me, let 'em kill me. Yet then the Lord did so renew my strength, that I went 1 
on still further as my master would have me, and held out with them. Though | 
many English were taken, and I was brought to some of 'em at times, while we 
were about Casco bay and Kennebec river, yet at Norridgewock we were ' 
separated, and no English were in our company, but one John York and myself, , 
who were both almost starv'd for want; and yet told that if we could not hold : 
up to travel with them, they would kill us. And accordingly John York, grow- 
ing weak by his wants, they killed him, and threatened me with the like. One ; 
time my Indian mistress and I were left alone, while the rest went to look for 
eels ; and they left us no food from Sabbath-day morning till the next Saturday ; | 
save that we had a bladder (of Moose, I think) which was well fill'd with | 
maggots, and we boil'd it, and drank the broth ; but the bladder was so tough 1 
we could not eat it. On the Saturday I was sent by my mistress to tSat part of | 
the island most likely to see some canoo, and there to make fire and smoke, to | 
invite some Indians, if I could spie any, to come to relieve us; and I espy'd a ' 
canoo, and by signs invited them to come to shore. It proved to be squaws ; 
who, understanding our wants, one of 'em gave me a roasted eel ; which I eat, ' 
and it seem'd unto me the most savoury food I ever tasted before. Sometimes l 
we liv'd on wortle berries, sometimes on a kind of wild cherry, which grew on [ 
bushes, which I was sent to gather once in so bitter a cold season, that I was ! 
not able to bring my fingers together to hold them fast; yet under all these , 
hardships the Lord kept me from any sickness, or such weakness as to disenable j 
me from travelling when they put us upon it. < 
My Indian mistress was one that had been bred by the English at Blackpoint, j 
and now married to a Canadian Indian, and turned Papist ; and she would say, 
'that had the English been as careful to instruct her in our religion as the 
French were to instruct her in theirs, she might have been of our religion ; ' and l 
she would say, that ' God delivered us into their hands to punish us for our j 
sins ; ' and this I knew was true as to myself. And as I desired to consider of ; 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 105 

all my sins, f5r which the Lord did punish me, so this lay very heavy upon my 
spirit many a time, tliat I had left the publick worship and ordinances of God, 
where I formerly lived, (viz : at Beverley), to remove to the north part of Casco 
bay, where there was no church or minister of the gospel ; and this we did for 
large accommodations in the world, thereby ex])osing our children to be bred 
ignorantly like Indians, and ourselves to forget that what we had been formerly 
•instructed in; and so we turned our backs upon God's ordinances to get this 
world's goods. But now God hath stript me of these things also ; so that I 
might justifie the Lord in all that has befallen me, and acknowledge that he 
hath punish'd me less than my iniquities deserved. I was now bereav'd of 
husband, children, friends, neighbors, house, estate, bread, cloaths, or lodging 
suitable ; and my very life did hang daily in doubt, being continually in danger , 
of being kill'd by the Indians, or pined to death with famine, or tired to death 
with hard travelling, or pinch'd with cold till I died, in the winter season. 

I travell'd over steep and hideous mountains one while, and another while 
over swamps and thickets of fallen trees, lying one, two, three foot from the 
ground, which I have stepp'd on from one to another, nigh a thousand in a day, 
carrying a great burden on my back. Yet I dreaded going to Canada, for fear 
lest I should be overcome by them to yield to their religion; which I had 
vowed unto God, that / would not do. But the extremity of my sufferings were 
such, that at length I was willing to go to preserve my life. And after many 
weary journies tho' frost and snow, we came to Canada about the middle of 
February, 1690, and travelling over the river, my master pitched his wigwam in 
sight of some French houses westward of us, and then sent me to those houses 
to beg victuals for them ; which I did, and found the French very kind to me, 
giving me beef, and pork, and bread, which I had been without near nine 
months before ; so that I found a great change as to diet. But the snow being 
knee-deep, and my legs and hams very sore, I found it very tedious to travel ; 
and my sores bled; so that as I travell'd, I might be track'd by my blood that I 
left behind me on the snow. I asked leave to stay all night with the French 
when I went to beg again, which my master consented unto, and sent me east- 
ward, to houses which were toward Quebec (though then I knew it not :) so, 
having begg'd provisions at a French house, and it being near night, after I was 
refresh'd myself, and had food to carry to the Indians, I signified, as well as I 
could, to make the French woman understand that I desir'd to stay by her fire 
that night. Whereupon she laid a good bed on the floor, and good coverings 
for mc, and there I lodg'd comfortably; and the next morning, when I had 
breakfasted with the family, and the men-kind were gone abroad, as I was about 
to go to my Indian master, the French woman stept out, and left me alone in 
her house ; and I then staid her return, to give her thanks for her kindness ; 
and while I waited, came in two men, and one of 'em spoke to me in English, 



I06 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

" I am glad to see you countrey woman ! " This was exceedingly reviving to 
hear the voice of an Englishman, and upon inquiry I found that he was taken 
at the North-west Passage ; and the other was a French ordinary-keeper. After 
some discourse, he ask'd me to go with him to Quebeck, which he told me was 
about four miles off : I answered, my Indian master might kill me for it when I 
went back. Then, after some discourse in French with his fellow-traveller, he 
said, this French man engag'd that, if I would go with them, he would keep me 
from returning to the Indians, and I should be ransom'd : and my French 
hostess, being now return'd in a-doors, perswaded me to go with 'em to 
Quebeck ; which I did, and was convey'd unto the house of the lord-intendant, 
Monsieur le Tonant, who was chief judge, and the second to the governour; 
and I was kindly entertain'd by the lady ; and had French cloaths given me, with 
good diet and lodging, and was carry'd thence unto the hospital, where I was 
physick'd and blooded, and very courteously provided for. And some time 
after my Indian master and mistress coming for me, the lady intendant paid a 
ransom for me, and I became her servant. And, I must speak it to the honour 
of the French, they were exceeding kind to me at first ; even as kind as I could 
expect to find the English ; so that I wanted nothing for my bodily comfort 
which they could help me unto 

The means of my deliverance were by reason of letters that had passed between 
the governments of New-England and of Canada. Mr. Gary was sent with a 
vessel to fetch captives from Quebec, and when he came, I, among others, with 
my youngest son, had our liberty to come away ; and by God's blessing upon us 
we arrived in safety at Boston, in November, 1695, our desired heaven. And I 
desire to praise the ' Lord for his goodness, and for his wonderful works to 
me.' Yet still I have left behind two children; a daughter of twenty years 
old, at Mount Royal, whom I had not seen in two years before I came away ; 
and a son of nineteen years old, whom I never saw since we parted, the next 
morning after we were taken. I earnestly request the prayers of my Christian 
friends that the Lord will deliver them. 

' What shall I render to the Lord for all his benefits ? ' " 

In 1695 the governor and council of Massacluisetts Bay com- 
missioned Matthew Gary ' to go to Canada to bring home pris- 

'"Mathew Cary, now in Boston, Purser of their Maj''^^ Shipp Nonesuch" 
had a grant of land in Boston, from John Adams, March 9, 1693-4, Jan. 5, 1696. 
Mathew Cary and Mary his wife gave to Andrew Belcher a mortgage which 
was cancelled Jan. 24, 1698. Mr. Cary is there styled, "late Purser," etc. On 
the 4th of the same month (1696) he is called in the mortgage to Francis Fox- 
croft, "a Gentleman." This latter document was cancelled May 11, 1700. After 
which we can learn nothing of Mathew Cary, who was doubtless the individual 
that effected the exchange of prisoners in Canada, in 1695. Suffolk Registry of 
Deeds, XVI. 306, XVII. 345, XIX. 66. (N. E. His. & Gen. Reg. 24, 425.) 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 107 

oners who had been captured by French and Indians in the wars 
previous. Count Frontenac, the governor-general of Canada, had 
agreed to return such captives. Among them were those taken at 
the capture of Fort Loyall in 1690. 

" At a council held at the council chamber in Boston upon 
Thursday, July 14, 1695,' Advised and ordered that the Commis- 
sioner of war do take up a suitable vessel to be sent with a Flagg 
of Truce unto Canada for the exchanging and bringing home the 
English prisoners there." The commissioner proceeded in this 
vessel to Quebec, and returned to Boston with those who were re- 
deemed by him. 

The following were among those who were redeemed by Matthew 
Caiy, Oct., 1695, who had been taken prisoners at the capture of 
Fort Loyall in 1690 : James Ross, James Alexander, Joseph Swar- 
ton (a boy), Mary Swarton (elder). 

Among those who remained still in the hands of the French 
were the following, taken at Casco, viz. : Samuel Yorke, Samuel 
Souter (or Senter), Mary Swarton (a girl), Sara Davis (a girl), 
Thomas Baker (boy), Geo. Gray (boy). 

All of these prisoners, with the exception of Samuel Yorke, 
were probably never returned. The intelligent English captives 
(children) were much sought after by French families. They 
adopted them, brought them up as their own children, sent them 
to the nunner}^ schools for their education, inculcated them in the 
attractions and formulas of the Romish church, so that they lost 
all memory and love for their former New England homes ; and 
lived and died among their former enemies and later friends, and 
their descendants are to be found among the most cultured and 
refined families of the Province. 

Samuel Yorke, another one of the Fort Loyall captives, re- 
mained ten years in Canada. In 1700 he escaped and came to 
Albany, where he addressed the following memorial, viz. : 

"To his Excellency the Earl of Belmont, Capt. General and Governor in chief 
of the Province of New York &c 

• N. E. His. & Gen. Reg., 24, 286, 291 . 



Io8 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL. 

"The memorial of Samuel Yorke, Carpenter, showeth, That I was taken 
prisoner at Casco Bay by a party of French and Indians under the command 
of Monsieur de Portneuf in the month of May, 1690, and carried to Canada, 
where, and in the hunting Indian countries, I have lived ever since till the 29th 
day of this last July (1700), that I made my escape to come hither, and during 
the last ten years and a half I was employed in cutting masts for the use of 
the French King navy." 

He then gives a description of the western Indians in Canada 
among whom he had resided.' 

• N. Y. Col. Man., IV, 749. 

A bill was passed by the general court of Massachusetts, Oct. 
22d, 1690, "ordering, one-fourth part of wages for the present, to 
be paid to the soldiers wives and relatives who were slain or taken 
at Casco." (Mass. Archives, 36, 190). 

Friends and fellow-citizens : I have detained you long in the 
recital of the history of Fort Loyall, and the brave deeds that 
were done by its glorious defenders nearly two centuries since, 
who were then the humble men of Falmouth. Truly the name 
" Loyall " was well chosen, and its significance was made apparent 
when in the last days of that fearful struggle it went down amid 
flames and smoke, carnage and slaughter, and the life blood of its 
defenders was poured out. They were loyal men who defended it. 
They were loyal to the English flag ; they were loyal to the Pro- 
testant religion ; they were loyal to the new sovereigns of England, 
William of Orange and Mary, his wife. Nobly they upheld the 
banner of St. George against the white flag of the Bourbons. 
They were loyal to the Massachusetts Government, notwithstand- 
ing all the neglect they had received from them. They were loyal 
to their own homes and firesides. 

It is but a few hours since when, not only here, but in nearly all 
parts of the Union, has been laid upon the graves of those who 
laid down their lives for our country the mem.entoes of our grati- 
tude and reverence to the "Union dead;"' and we here are hoping 

* Memorial Day occurred on the Saturday previous, May 30th. 



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 109 

soon to perpetuate in enduring stone a lasting monument to their 
sacred memories. Can we not, without forgetting the greater re- 
sponsibility that exists with us, do something to preserve in our 
memories and the history of our city, some remembrance of the 
deeds of our ancestors ? Can we not erect in some place a simple, 
suitable memorial to those who two centuries ago laid down their 
lives and sacrificed themselves as victims. Their bones have 
mouldered to the dust among the unknown dead. Their memories 
let us not as citizens of Portland ever forget. 






Additions and Corrections. 



On page IJ, in letter of S. P. Mayberry, in which he makes the statement 
that " nothing but tradition that there was any records " is controverted by the 
following from Mr. Sargent : " There is record evidence of their existence, for 
the Proprietors of North Yarmouth in a petition, 1722, request that a copy be 
made of their records (then in Charlestown), but the original kept in Boston, 
' that so the ancient records of the said Town may be kept safe, and secured 
from the danger of falling into the hands of the Indians, and other casualties 
that may happen, which was the unhappy case of Casco Bay, whose records locre 
^ost, the loss of which has run them into great confusion, and has almost proved 
their utter ruin and destruction.' " 

Page 19. According to additions and corrections, Wentworth Gen., 1,662, it 
was John Sayward, instead of Willam, whom Mary Wheelwright married; he 
was her second husband instead of the first. See note to James Plaisted on 
page 58, ante. 

Page 20. Major Nicholas Shapleigh was accidentally killed at the launching 
of a vessel at Kittery, 29th April, 1682. w. M. s. 

Page 21. In note i, 7th line, for " association " read " assembly." 
Page 25. In the nth line after the word " time" add "for.". 
Page 26. In the 3d line of note, for " Sokosis," read " Sokokis." 
Page 31. In the i8th line for " important " read " imprudent." 
Page 41, note 3. Elisha Andrews' lot lay east of John Tucker's at Fal- 
mouth Foreside (Eastern Claims). He was the grandson of Samuel Andrews, 
who emigrated from London, 14th April, 1635, to Saco, where he died the sec- 
ond year after, and his widow, Jane, became the (probably) second wife of 
Arthur Mackworth. See a note concerning this family — Recorder^ II, page 88, 
W. M. s. 

Ibid, note 4. Sergeant Nathaniel White had the command of the half-moon 
garrison, instead of Elisha Gallison. See page 66, ante. 

Ibid, note 5. George Ing^son, aged 61, deposes, 1678, that his father 
was Richard of Salem, where he was born. (Mass. Archives, 16; Estates, 
II, No. 71). This Richard Inkersall (sic), was a Bedfordshire man, hired by 
the Massachusetts Company and sent over in May, 1629, with his family. 
(Suffolk Deeds, i, XVI). 

Page 58, note i. In last line for "Dremmer," read " Dummer." 
Ibid, note 2. In 5th line, for " Scammon," read " Scamman." ' 

Page 65, Note i. In ist line after the word " of " insert "Annapolis basin on." 
Page 70, note 3. In 2d line for III, read IV. 
Page 92, note i. In 5th line for " 1659 " read " 1689.' 
110 



References. Authorities Quoted. 



American Cyclopedia, I, 19, 4S8; IV, 
566; IX, 142; X, 330, 331, 546, 655- 
659; XI, 39, 40; XIII, 449. 

Andros Tracts, I, 118; II, 50: 111,63. 

Bancroft. History of United States, 
III, 136, 175, 176, 182. 

Boston. Record Commissioners, V, 
55 ; IX, 249. 

Bourne. History of Wells and Ken- 
nebunk, pp. 39, 185, 231, 232, 233, 

33'. 333- 
Charlevoix, original, Translation Shea 

Ed., Ill, 210; IV, 133-137; VI, "128. 
Church's Expeditions. II, 
De La Potherie. History de I'Amer- 

ique. 
Drake. Book of the Indians, III, 

103-9, no, 114, 116, 118, 120, 123, 

124, 126, y9, 140. 

Drake. History of Boston, pp. 499, 

500. 
Esse.x Institute. II, 190. 
Essex Probate Office, 25, 42. 
Folsom. History of Saco, pp. 168, 

184-6, 192. 
Hannah. History of Acadia, p. 230. 
Hubbard. Indians, II, 177. 
Hutchinson. Manuscripts, Vol. 3, leaf 

401. (Mass. Archives). 
Johnson. History of Bristol, &c„ pp. 

125, 134. 

Longfellow. Atlantic Monthly, XXIX, 

334- 
Mayberry Stephen P. Communicat:on 

to Mayor and Aldermen of City of 

Portland. 
Maine, History of. Sullivan, p. 202. 
Maine, History of. Williamson, I, 

608, 620, 642. 
Maine Historical and Genealogical 

Recorder, II, 88, 189. 
Maine Historical Society's Collections, 

I, 168, 203; HI, 144-148, 221; V, 

195; VII, 41-72, 167-198; VIII, 201- 

289. 
Massachusetts Archives, XXXV, 2, 5, 

7,35,69,72,82,84,85,86,87,88,97, 

245, 277, 278, 314, 319, 325, 326, 371 ; 

XXXVI, 55, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 76, 77, 

78, 190 — 126^358. 
Massachusetts Colonial Records, V, 

2S6, 310, 326, 451. 
Massachusetts General Court Records, 

6,3. 



Massachusetts Historical Society's 
Collections, I, Third Series, pp. 85, 
101-112; V, Fifth Series, pp. 320, 
321, 396. 

Mather. Magnalia, II, 592, 595, 598, 
599, 602, 6c6, 604, 610. 

New England Historical and Genealog- 
ical Register, HI, 24, 249, 257, 259, 
262; V, 345-9, 367 ; IX, 312; X, 30; 
XII, 139, 258; XXIV, 286, 289,291, 
425; XXV, 329; XXVin, 160; 
XXXI, 289. 

New Hampshire Historical Society, 
Collections, VIII, 311-17, 353. 

New Hampshire, History of. Belknap, 

I, 203. 

New Hampshire Provincial Papers. 

II, 46, 47. 

New York Colonial Manuscripts. 

(Brodhead, John Romeyn). II, 146; 

HI, 401, 566, 720, 721, 724, 727, 751, 

IV, 476, 749; IX, 72, 167, 169, 340, 

404, 422, 423, 440, 461, 464, 471, 472, 

473. 475. 476, 4S2, 489, 491, 493, 518, 

570, 663; also Vols. Ill, IV, V, IX. 
New York Documentary History. 

(O'Callaghan, E. B.) II, 146. 
North Yarmouth, Old Times in. Vols. 

1-8. 
Parkman. Jesuitsof N. A., p. 321. New 

France, pp, 11,67, 191-207, 220, 221. 
Preble Geo. H. Preble Family, p. 48. 
Savage. Genealogical Dictionary, I, 

17, 18, 194, 236; 11,294, 341;' III, 

278, 363.490; iV, 592. 
Southgate. History of Scarborough. 

Me. His. Soc. Coll. HI, pp. 144-8, 

22 f . 
Sparks. American Biography, VII. 
Suffolk Deeds. XVI, 306; XVII, 

345; XIX, 66. 
Tanguay. Dictionnaire. Genealogi- 

que. 
Titcomb. Early N. E. people, p. 66. 
Wentworth Family. I, 103, 116,297, 

298. 
Wheeler. History of Brunswick, <S:c., 

pp. 6, 76. 
Willis. Hist, of Portland, pp. 131, 133, 

139. 147. 154, 199. 211, 226, 227, 229, 

230. 235. 236, 242, 250, 254, 255, 272, 

273, 275, 276, 278, 280, 281, 2S2, 284, 

286, 288, 290, 292, 293, 295, 297, 298, 

301, 302, 420, 436. 
Wordsworth, p. 403. 



INDEX. 



PAGE 

Abenakis(Abenaquis) 25, 

26, 29, 54, 55, 61 

Aborigines, 69 

Acadia, i^, 26, 27, 28, 51, 

54, 65, 79 
Adams, 106 

Addington, 43, 44, 45, 49, 

54, 61, 90 
Admiral, 100, loi 

Agamus, 64 

Albany, 30, 51, 52, 60, 91, 
92 
Alden, 38, 44, 45, 46, 47 
Aldermen, 6, 7, in 

Alexander, 82, 107 

Algonquin, 25, 26, 54 

America, 92, 93 

American Cyclopedia, 24, 
26, 37, 5O' 51, 65, 77, 
92,93, III 
Ancram, 93 

Anderson, 12, 47 

Andrews, 41, 56, no 

Andros, 14, 21, 23, 24, 28, 

31, 32, 33» 34, 40, 49, 61, 

62, 64, 93, 96, 97, 98, 99, 

III 

Androscoggin, 45 

Annapolis, 14, 65, 80, no 

Antietam, 13 

Antigua, 32 

Archives, 10, 15, 26, t,^, 

39, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 

49, 52, 53, 54, 56, 59, 61, 

67, 76, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 

90, 94, 100, 103, loS, no 

III 

Arrowsic, 94 

Assiminasqua, 62 

Atlantic, 27 

Augustine, 16 

Back Cove, 11,45,82 

Bahamas, 65 

Baker, 83, 100, 107 
Bancroft, 25, 26, 51, ni 

Barrett, 21 

Bassett, 40, 46 

Bath, 69 



Batson, 

Baxter, 

Beaver, 

Becanour, 

Belcher, 

Belknap, 

Belmont, 

Benning, 

Berwick, 

Beverly, 

Bienville de, 

Biddeford, 

Bigot, 



5 

46 

26 

56, 106 

58, 1 1 1 

102, 107 

57 
36, 42, 58 

103, 105 

51 
42,81 
29 



Burroughs, 
Callieres-Bonnevue, 



26, 



Blackman, 21, 85, 96, 97 
Black Point, n, 21, 22, 
36, 40, 42, 45, 48, 63, 87, 
89, 104 
Blakeman, 21 

Blue Point, 42 

Bogwell, 81 

Boston, 1 8, 21, 24, 28, 30, 

33, 35, 36, 38, 41, 42, 43, 

44, 46, 47, 48, 49, 51, 52, 

53, 59, 62, 63, 65, 66, 78, 

80, 81, 82, 89, 90, 91, 92, 

93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 

lor, 106, 107, no. III 

Bourbons, 108 

Bourne, 19, III 

Bowen, 43 

Bonython, 21 

Brackett, 15, 17, 19, 20, 

21, 22, 24,34,38, 43, 64, 

69, 72, 81 

Brading, 61 

Bradstreet, 33,49, 71, 75, 

84, 89, 90, 92 

Brattle, 61 

Brior, 83 

Bristol, 94 

Broad street, 11, 15, 16, 

71,73 

Brodhead, in 

Bromfield, 61 

Brunswick, 69, m 

Burgess, 6, 7 

Burniffe, 92, 98 

Burno, 83 

Burns, 83 



30, 50 
Cambridge, 49 

Cammock, 36 

Canada, 12, 19, 26, 27, 28, 

29, 30, 32, 50, 52, 55, 58, 

59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 76, 77, 

7S, 80, 81, 91,93,94,97, 

98, 102, 103, 105-108 

Canibas, 26 

Cape Elizabeth, 10, 15 

Cape Porpo^e (Porpus), 

20, 21, 84, 85 

Capissic, 41, 94 

Carignan, 27 

Cary, 19, 58, 59, 82, 

106, 107 

Casco (Cascoe, Caskow, 

Caskoe), 3, 10, 12, 13, 

15, 17, 20, 21, 24,25,31, 

34, 37, 40, 43, 55, 60, 61, 

62, 6;^, 64, 65, 66, 69, 70, 

79, 80, Si, 82, 88, 90, 91, 

93, 94, 100, 103, 108 

Casco Bay (Kaskebe), n, 

13, 15, 22, 24,32,33, 34, 

44, 60, 62, 64, 69, 79, 81, 

82, 84, 85, 86, 87, 92, 95, 

96, 104, 105, loS, no 

Castine (Castin, Casteen, 

Casteene), 26, 27, 28, 

32, 62, 63, 78, 79, 91, 

94,98 

Cayenne, 29 

Chadbourne, 29, 58 

Charles II, 103 

Charlestown, no 

Charlevoix, 37, 51, 54, 70, 

79, 102, III 

Charter Oak, 24 

Chebeague Island, 31, 95 

Church, 36, TiJ, 40, 41, 42, 

43, 44, 45, 50, 64, 80 

City Council, 5, 6, 7 

Clay Cove, 16 

Clark, 14, 17, 41, 67, 70, 

71, 72, 77,80,85,94, lOI 

Clark's Point, 80 



Cleevc, • 14, 17, Xo 

Clement, 16 

Cloice (Cldis), 45, 81 

Cocheco (Quocheco), 59, 

«7 
Cohasset, 16 

Columbia County, 93 

Common Council, 6, 7 
Conant, 5 

Concord, 43, 91 

Congress Street, 14, 15, 
70, 7 1 
Connecticut, 21, 26, 91 
Convent, 77 

Converse, 91 

Cook, 15 

Copp's Hill, 94 

Cornwall County, 34 

Corum, 85 

Courtemanche, 62, 63, 98 
Crevier,^ S4 

Crocker, Si 

Cumberland Countv, 13 
Cutts (Cutt), '57, 58 

Damariscotta, 57, 94 

Danforth, 14, 15, 16, 18, 

35, 41, 42, 56, 61, 89 

Danvers, 81 

Davis (Davess, Davie), 

10, II, 13, 16, 19, 21, 22, 

24, 25, 34,35.37,38,40, 

41, 46, 48, 62, 65, 66, 67, 

68, 69, 70, 7^,73,74,75, 

77, 78,81, 82,83, 84,94, 

95, 100, loi, 103, 107, 

Deering, 7. 23, 24, 37 

Dennison, 57 

Denonville, de, 28, 29, 30, 

32 
Devonshire, 95 

Dictionnaire Genealogi- 
que, 19, 102., Ill 

Doaques, 26 

Doney, 64, 97 

Dongan, 102 

Dover, 34, 59, 83, 87, loi. 
Drake, 44, 54, 63, 64,78,1 1 1 
Drunimond, 5, 81 

Dudley, 64 

Duffels, 38 

Dummer, 58, no 

Dunstable, 60 

Dutch, 23, 92 

Duxbury, 37 



Karly New England peo- 
ple, 40 
Eastern Cemetery, 13, 14, 

53. 58, 80 
Eastern Claims, 1 10 

Elliott, 89,91 

Endicott, 20, 95 

England, 11, 13, 19, 25, 

28, 3'. 32. 33' 49. 57. 

59, 61, 64, 74,81,95,97, 

108 
English, ID, 26, 27, 28,64, 

65, 69, 70, 71, 74,75,76, 

84, 95. 96. 97. 98, 99. 

loi, 102, 103, 104, 105, 
106, 107, 108 
English, James 94, 95 
Ussex, 40, 84, 89, III 

Etchemins, 26, 

Everill, 44 

Exchange Street, 12,85 

Fairfield, Si 

Falmouth, 3, 4, 5, 9, 11, 

12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 20, 21, 

22, 23, 24,31, 32,34,35, 

37, 39, 40, 41,42, 43.44. 
45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 60, 64, 

66, 69, 79, 82, 85, 86, 94, 

95. 96, 9^*^, 108, 1 10 
Farley, 16, 17 

Ferguson, 55 

Ferry, 10 

Flanders, 103 

Fleet Street, 16 

Folsom, 1 1 1 

Fore Street, 11, 15, 16, 17, 

73' 94 

Fore River, 14 

Fort Halifax, 63 

Fort Loyall, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 

9, 10, II, 13, 14, 15, 16, 

17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 

31,32,34,37,41,44,51. 

60, 61, 62, 64, 65, 66, 67, 

69, 70, 72,73. 74.75.79. 

84, 85, 86,88, 91,92,94, 

97, 100, loi, 102, 103, 

105-107. 
Fox, 1 4 

Foxcroft, 106 

France, 10, 14, 25, 26, 27, 

.29, 30, 49, 50, 51, 60.77, 

99. 
Frankfort, 92 

Franklin, 14 

P>ee Street, 12, 47, 



French, 3, 5, 10, 13, 
26, 27, 28, 31, 

41, 5'. 52. 53.54, 
59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 
71, 74, 75.76,77. 
82, 84,87, 88, 91, 

94. 95. 96, 
Krontcnac, Count 
deHuade), 29, 30, 

54, 60, 61, 62, 77, 
100, 102, 107. 

Frost, 19. 20, 34, 35, 

55, 56, 61, 65, 66, 

87, 
Fryer, 1 5, 

Fundv, 15av of. 



24, 25, 
33, 37. 
55. 58. 
65,69, 

78, 79. 
92, 93. 
97-108 
(Louis 

50,51. 
78, 98, 

36. 42, 
85, 86, 
88,89 
22,89 

6=; 



Callison (Caillison), 41 
1 10 
tiarrisons, 12, 17, 25, ;i;^, 
39, 40, 41, 42, 45,48,49, 
58, 66, 67, 68, 70, 72, 74, 
82, 85, 86, 87, 91, 93. 97 
Cjastineau, 54 

Clas Works, 80 

Gedney, 13, 16, 42 

Gendail, 21, 22, 31, 32, 62, 
89. 103 
Cieneral Assembly, 21 
General Court, 18, 100 
Gerrish, loi 

Georgetown, 64, 81 

Gettysburg, 13 

Godfrey, 27, 28 

Goodwin ( G o o d s o n , 
Goodon), 55, 58, 59 

Goold, 5 

Gorges, 1 3, 32 

Gould, 5 

Graffort, 86 

Grandfontaine, 27 

Grand Trunk Railway, 
1 1, 70 
Grandvillc, de loi, 103 
Gray, 82, 107 

Cireason, 70 

Great Bay, 16 

Great Island, '5. 85 

Gregorian Calender, 9, 64 
Green, ",53 

Greenough, 16 

Groton, 40 

Guernsey. 24 

Gyles, 82 

Hall, 41, 44 

Hammond, 21, 56, 59, 87, 

88 



114 



INDEX. 



Hancock Street, ii 

Hannah, 79, tn 

Hartford, 23 

Harvard College, 14, 21, 

31. 32, 57 
Harvey, 80 

Harwood, 16, 21 

Havana, 51 

Haverhill, 54 

Hawthorn, 85 

Hertel (Hartel, Artell), 
Francois, 54, 55, 60, 63, 
76, 80 
Hicks, 41, 66 

Hight, S 

Hignon, 64, 97 

Hill, 42, 83 

Hinckes, 89 

Hitchcock, 58 

Hoit, 66 

Holmes (Homes), .21, 58 
Hooke, 18, 19, 23, 42 

Hopegood, 54, 58, 78, 83, 
97 
Hubbard, 62,111 

Hudson Bay, 51 

Hudson River, 30 

Hull, 3, 4, 5, 5, 6, 7, 20, 

95 

Hunnewell, 42 

Hunt, 5 

Hutchinson, 20, 23,82,89, 

ui 

Iberville, 31, 63 

India Street, 10, 11, 15, 16, 

71, 73. 74 

Indian Agent, 31 

Indian Cove, 70 

Indians, 3, 5, 10, 13, 18, 

19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 

27, 28, 29,31,32,33,35, 

37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43' 44, 

50, 51, 52, 53, 54'55'5S, 

59, 60, 63, 64, 65, 69, 70, 

71, 72,76,77,78,81,82, 

83,8^,87,89,91,92,94, 

95' 96' 97' 98' 99, loi. 

102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 

107, 108, 1 10, III 

Ingalls, 16 

Ingersol (Ingerson,Enger- 

son, Inkersall), 16, 17, 

34, 41, 66, 82, 85, 110 

International Hotel, 16 

Ireland, 49, 5o 

Iroquois, 27, 29, 31, 51, 

78, lOI 



Islands, 

Isle of Shoals, 



69 
84 



Jacob, 16 

James II, 25, 28, 40, 50, 
98,99 
Jesuits, 25, 26, 29, 30, 102, 
III 
Johnson, 17, 94, in 

Joliet, 102 

Jordan, 5, 31, 85, 91 

Jordan's Point, 16, 17 

Jose, 57, 83 

Julian Calendar, 9 

Kebec, 86 

Kennebec (Kenebeque, 

Quinebeguy), 14, 25, 26, 

29, 33' 34' 37' 39, 45' 55. 

62, 63, 69, 81, 94, 104 
Kennebunk, 20 

Key, 55 

King Street, 79 

King William, 25,28,29,63 
King's Chapel, 61 

Kittery, 13, 15, 18, 20, 21, 

35, 56, 59, 86, 92, no 
Knight, 13 



LaBarre, 




29. 30 


Lalande, de, 




100, 102 


Lake, 




94 


Lawrence, 


12, 


41, 66, 70, 




7I' 


72,81,83 


Lear, 




57 


Legg, 




53 


Leisler, 


7I' 


75' 91. 92 


LeMoyne, 




51 


Lincoln, 




19 


Little, 




5 


Littlefield, 




20, 83, 87 


Little Compton 


21 


Livingston, 




93 


Lockart, 23, 


24, 


25' 32' 34 


London, 


3' 


23' 24, 33' 
65, no 


Long Creek, 




21,94 


Longfellow, 




27, III 


Louisburg, 




13. 57 


Louisiana, 




51 


Louis XIV, 


ID, 


25. 29, 30. 
50, 77 


Lord, 




58. 59 


Lowell, 




16 


Lynde, 




54 


Lynn, 




II, Si 


Mackworth, 




no 



Madocavvando, 27, 62, 63, 

64, 94, 98 

Magnalia, 21, 55, 58, 65, 

66, 71, 103, II I 

Maine (Mayne, Mayn), 3, 

12, 13, 14, 17, 19, 20, 22, 

23, 24, 25, 26, 27,31, 32, 

33' 34' 35 .37' 40, 48, 50, 

54, 55, 62, 63, 79, 86, 87, 

90, 92, 94, 95, II I 

Maine Gen. Society, 3, 4 

Maine His. Soc. Coll., 27, 

28, 63, 79, 95 

Maintenon, 77, 100 

Malecites, 26 

Manet De 51 

Maquoite, 96 

Marloe, 103 

Martyn, 57, 58, 59, 88, 89 

Marston, 16 

Maryland, 53, 93 

Mason, 16 

Massachusetts, ij, 14, 17, 

19, 22, 23,25,31, 32,33, 

34, 35. 37. 40, 41,48,49, 

52, 53. 56, 59, 64. 66, 67, 

69, 72, 79, 81, 84,85, 87, 

88,90, 91, 93, 94,95, 

106, 108, no, in 

Mass. Col. Rec, 13, 19, 

22, 23, 24 

Mass. His. Soc. Coll., 23 

Mather, 21, 55, 58, 65, 66, 

71, loi, 103, in 

Mavericke, 18 

Mayberry, 15, no, in 

Mayor, 6, 7, 102, in 

McLellan, 13 

Medford, 32 

Meeting House, 17 

Memorial Day, 108 

Merrimack River, 26, 60 

Merrymeeting Bay, 63, 69 

Meserve, 5 

Middle Street, 41 

Middlesex, 89 

Middlexot, 53 

Milburn, 65 

Mississippi, 102 

Mitton, 80 

Mohawks, 51 

Montreal, 19, 30, 31, 50, 

51, 54, 102, 106 

Monseignat, 77, 100 

Moody, 56 

Mousam, 20 

Mount Desert, 26 

Mount Royal, 106 



IN'UEX. 



115 



Morrill, 
Moxus, 

MuUins, 



82 
64 
62 
44 



Mimjoy, 12, 17,41,70,71,80 

Nantasket, 95 

Nelson, 95 

Newbury, 84 

Newbury Street, 16 

Newcastle, 15 

New England, 10, 20, 23, 

24, 25, 26, 28,30,35, 50, 

51, 61,95,99,106,107,111 

New England His. & Gen. 

Reg., 19, 20, 32, 35, 36, 

42, 43, 56, 58, 61, 80, 82, 

106, 107 

New France, 25, 26, 29, 

30, 31, 50, 77, 102 

Xew Hampshire, 15,28, 

34, 5I' 54' 57> 86,92,93, 

lOI, II I 

Newichewanock, 19, 35,56 

New Jersey 24 

New Meadows, 69 

Newton, 93 

New York, 10, 23, 24, 28, 

30, 32, 50, 51, 86, 91, 92, 

93. 97, 9^.99>i02,io7,iu 

New York Col. Man., 26, 

28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 51, 53, 

54,62,71,73,74,76,79, 

100, loi, 102, 108 

New York Doc. His., 75 

Nichols, 16 

Nicholson, 24, 39, 93 

Noddles Island, 18 

Norridgewock, 26, 54, 64, 

104 

North America, 10, 50, 65 

North Yarmouth, 16. 22, 

31,32,96,97,103,110, in 

Nova Scotia, 14, 28, 44, 

53, 54, 6=;, 80 

Notre Dame, 19 

Nowell, 17 

Nuttacke, 20 



O'Callaghan, 


71, III 


Old Times, 


3- 


Oliver, 


53 


Orange, 


51 


Ovster River, 


S7 


Oxford, 


31 


Palmer, 


41 


Parker, 81 


, 82, 100 



Parker Island, 81 

Park Street, 14 

Parkman, 26, 29, 30, 31, 
56, 102, 1 1 1 
Paris, 3, 27, 50, 64, 71, 
100 
Parsons, 56, 61 

Passamaquoddy, 37 

Passamaquoddies, 26 

Peakes' Island, 41 

Pearson, 13 

Peniaquid (Pencuit), 26, 

27,29,32,33, 34, 51,63, 

64,80 

Pennacooks, 26 

Penobscot ( Pentagoet, 

Pentagonet), 25, 26, 27, 

28, 29, 37, 51, 62, 63, 64, 

94 
Peppcnll. 13 

Perrin, 102 

Phillijis, 17, 36, 41.44,68. 

81, 84, 89. 
Philip King, 37, 40, 94 
Phipps, 14, 44, 51, 53, 

63, 65, 80,90,91,93,95, 

100, 101, 103. 
Phippsburg, 81 

Pike, " 17 

Piscataquis (Piscataqua, 

Pascataqua), 14, 35, 57, 

5 9, 11^ 83, 85, 92, 93 

Plaisted, 19, 56 58, 83, 

1 10 

Plymouth, 26, 44, 63, 91. 

Portland, 3, 5, 6, 11, 13, 

15, 16, 57, 79, 109, III 

Portneuf, 62, 63, 69, 77, 

78, 79, loi, 103, 108, III 

Port Royall, 27, 62, 65, 

93, loi, 102 

Port.smouth. 1 1, 54, 56, 57, 

58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 83, 84, 
85, 87, 88, 89 
Potherie, De La, 70,91,1 1 1 
Potts, 95 

Powell, 16 

Preble, 13, 1 11 

Prevost, de 103 

Presumpscot, 70 

Prince of Orange, 50, 99 
Printing, Com. on 7 

Prout, 36, 39, 43, 44, 47, 
48, 61 
Prout's Neck, 36 

Public Instruction, 6 

Purpooduck, 45 

Pynchon, 17, 18, 91 



Pvronct's, 



27 



Quaniphegan, 21, 58 

Quebec (Qucbcck,Cabec), 

13, 26,27, 29, 30, 50, 51, 

54, 55, 60, 61, 63, 65, 77, 

80, 82, 94, 95, 98, 100- 

103, 105-107 

Queen, 49 

Queen A?^*, ^^ 65, 87 

Queen Street, '5, 7' 

Ramsdcll, 81 

Rasle, 26 

Ray, 5 

Reception Hall, 4 

Record Com., 36 

Recorder, no 

Records, 14, too 

Renesselaer, 52 

Richards, 89 
Richmond's ( Richman's), 

Island, 89 

Rishworth, 19, 20, 58 

Rogers, 4, 5, 55 

Rose, Frigate, 28 

Ross, 82, 107 

Royall, 32 

Russell, 89 

Sachem, 28, 63 

Saco, 21, 22, 29, 31, 34, 

36, 38, 40, 41, 42,44,45, 

48, 49, 64,81,84,85,87, 

96, no, II I 

Saco Fort, 59 

Sagadahock, 21, 95 

Sagamore, 28 

Salem, 16, 17, 20, 31, 40, 

41,65,82,93 

Sallieres, 27 

Salmon Falls, 42, 51, 56, 

58, 59, 60, 63, 64 

Salonstall, 17 

Sargent, 3, 4, 5, 21, 56,58, 

64, 83, 84, 85, 94, 95, 

100, 103, no 

.Savage, 17, 20, 43, 49, 56, 

59, 61, 93, 100, 1 1 1 

Saw Mills, 19 

Sawyer, 6 

Sayward,i9, 20, 21, 58, no 

Scammon (Scanunan), 58, 

101, 1 10 

Scarborough, 10, 19, 21, 

22. 36, 39, 40,41,42, 48, 

49, 1 1 1 

Scarron, 77 



Tl6 



INDEX. 



Shenectady, 31,52,55,62,64 Stoughton, 31,56,96 Watson, 4,5,82,83,86 

52 Sudbury, 91 Webber, 21 

49,93 Suffolk, 89,106,110,114 Weeks, 11 

13, 21, 22 Sullivan, 37 Welch, 

Sumner Street, 16 Wells, 19, 21, 42, 59, 

Svvayne (Sweyne), 3^> ^2,83,86,87^89,90,92 

Swarton, 82, 103, 107 ^Venamont, 



Schuyler, 

Scotland, 

Scottow, 

Seacomb, 

Sebasticook, 

Seignelay, 

Seneca, 

Senter, 

Sevvall, 

Shapleigh,' 

Shea, 27 



", ^3 
63 

26, 28, 54 

63 

107 

,,^§$,90,91 

20, 21, no 

O, 79, 102, III 



Symonds, 



57 



Sherburn (Sherbon), 57,83 
Shimplin, 89 

Ship, Orange Tree, 35 
Short, 55 

Shrewsbury, 91 

Sister Des Agnes, 19 

Skillings (Skillin), 16, 21 
Sloop, Mary, 44, 45 

Sloop, Nonsuch, 106 

Sloop, Resolution, 61 

Sloughter, 92 

Smith, 5, 16, ^2 

Sokokis, 26, 54, no 

Souter, 82, 107 

South Berwick, 21, 42 
South Church, 61 

Southgate, in 

Sparks, 65, in 

Spencer, 58 

Sprague, 17 

Spring Street, 58 

Springfield, 91 

Spurwink, n, 22, 39, 41, 
42, 48, 84, 85, 87, 89 
St. Christopher, 28 

St. Croix (St. Croise), 28 
St. Francis, 26, 54, 61 

St. George, 10, 26, 108 
St. Helene, 
St. John, 
St. Lawrence, 
St. Simon, 



State Street, 
Stetson, 
Stevens, 
Storer, 



51 

26, 79, 82 

62 

29 

14, 80 

16 

69 

83, 87, 88 



Tadoussac, 102 

Tanguay, 102, in 

Tarratine, 62, 64 

Tash, 4, 5, 6 

Teconnett, 94 

Thames, 94 

Thames Street, 17, 73 

Thomas, 5 

Three Rivers, 

Thurston, 

Titcomb, 

Town Landing, 

Treworgy, 

Trouve, loi. 

Tucker, 

Tukesbury, 

Turkey Lane, 

Tuttle', 

Tyng(Ting), 14, 16, 18, 

23,31, 32,60,80,95, 100 
Tyngsboro, 
Tyng Street, 

Union Street, 
United Colonies, 
United States, 



Wenoggnet, 
W' entworth, 

W'estcustogo, 
W^est India, ' 
Wessells, 
W harton, 

Wheeler, 
Wheelwright, 



56, 57, 
S9. 

34: 

33. 

8l 

19. 58, 
87, 88, 
51, 54, 66 Vv hite (Wight), 58, 66, 
16 Whitmore, 

Willard, 12, 40, 48, 
55, 65, 66, 67, 68, 70, 

91, 
W^illiam and Mary, 25, 

49. 93. 98, 

Williams, 58. 70, 71, 

Williamson, 24, 59, 66, 

Willis, n, 13, 15, 16, 

19, 20, 21, 22, 25, 31, 

34, 40, 41, 45, 62, 64, 

60 79, 80, 81, 82, 89, 

80 Wincol, 19, 56, 

Windmills, 
16 Winnegance, 
14 Winter Harbor, 
37 Winthrop, 
W^inslow, 
Wiscassett, 



I II 

10 

20 

102 

no 

5 
16 

57 



Valliere, de, 102, 103 

Vaughan, 57, 59, 84, 85, Wolfe, 

86, 88 Woolwich, 

Vaughan's Bridge, 10 Worcester, 

Virginia, 24, 93 \Vordsworth, 



90 
64, 
.93 
63 
63 
83. 
1 10 

32 
.92 

52 
,82 
III 

83. 
no 
no 

95 
49. 
72. 

94 
33. 
108 

85 
^78 
17, 
32, 

65. 
Ill 

' 59 
47 
81 
36.84 
49 
94 
95 
13 
65 
32 

III 



38, 



Wade, 

Waite (Wayte), 

W^aldo, 

W'aldron, 

Wallace (Wallis), 

Walton (Waltin), 



6,7 

13. 17 

13.95 

34. loi 

17.42,45 

83 



York, 19, 20, 21, 28, 58, 

59, 63, 82, 85, 90, 93, 

104, 107, 108 

York, Duke of, 28 




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